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tv   Fareed Zakaria GPS  CNN  June 22, 2014 10:00am-11:01am PDT

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as we say good-bye, i want to remind you to set your dvr. fareed zakaria starts now. this is "gps" the global public square. welcome to all of you in the united states and around the world. i'm fareed zakaria coming to you from new york. we start with iraq, of course. i will take you there for a live update, then we will hear from an all-star panel about the u.s. plan. and if there is anything america can do that will actually help.
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retired general richard clark and robert grenier weigh in. also, the other crisis in ukraine. i will talk to germany's defense minister about punishing putin. does europe have the stomach for more pressure? then, how a persuasive president who loved politics got an extremely controversial piece of legislation passed. the 50th anniversary of the signing of the civil rights act, a milestone in american history. >> now, in this summer of 1964, the civil rights bill is the law of the land. >> finally, how to crown a king when you're pinching pennies. spain showed us a way this week. first, here's my take. to answer the question, what should america do in iraq, we should try first to understand what's going on in the region
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through a broader prism. if you had looked at the middle east 15 years ago, you would have seen a string of strikingly similar regimes across the region from libya and the west to syria and iraq in the east. they were all repressive dictatorships, they were all secular in the sense they did not derive -- historically, they'd been supported by outside powers. first the british and french, then the super powers, which meant these rulers worried more about pleasing patrons abroad rather than carrying favor at home. and they had secure, uncontested borders. today, across the region, that structure of authority has collapsed from libya to syria and people are reaching for their deeper, older identities. shia, sunni, distrusting they would be safe under anyone else's rule. in iraq and elsewhere, no amount of american military power can
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undo this trend and put humpty dumpty back together. why did it happen? the old order was probably unsustainable. it rested on extreme suppression, which was producing extreme opposition movements. it also rested on super power patronage and one superpower collapsed and the others support to dictators started wavering. the rich minority groups ruled, iraq and syria became the most vulnerable. the iraq war was the crucial trigger and the american occupation needlessly exacerbated sectarian identities rather than building national identities. but let's be honest, iraq's shia like the sunni islamists of syria had been suppressed for decades. it was always going to be hard for them to sign up peacefully to share power with their former mentors.
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maliki's reign of terror has ensured the sunnis will never really trust him and likely to never trust the parties he represents to rule over them. as washington supports the baghdad government, it will have to be extremely careful not to be seen as taking sides in a sectarian conflict and repress for political reform and inclusiveness even as it offers baghdad military support. but washington should recognize that national harmony in iraq, everyone singing kumbayah is highly unlikely. the world might have to accept that iraq is turning into a country of enclaves and work to ensure these regions stay a stable, terror free and open as possible. the kurdish area bolstered by kirkuk is a stage story. it will be possible to work with
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countries like saudi arabia and jordan to influence the groups in the middle of the country and purge them of terrorists and empower sunnis. there will be enclaves where isis and similar groups gain some strength. in these areas, washington will have to use drones, counterintelligence and strikes just as it does in parts of afghanistan, pakistan, yemen and somalia. pointed out that during the first half of the 20th century, much of europe, especially eastern europe went from being multiethnic to monoethnic. 1/4 of czech slo vak ya was minorities. the middle east has been going through its own version of this process. america can't stop a trend like this. what it can do is try to limit the fallout, support those who believe in reconciliation and
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protect itself and its friends. for more, go to and read my washington post column this week. let's get started. let's get caught up on the latest from iraq, four towns on the highway from the syrian border and baghdad fell yesterday to isis, the sunni militant group that is wreaking havoc in the country. one of the towns it took yesterday is just 62 miles from the iraqi capital. and in baghdad yesterday, the rival shiite sect had a show of force of its own. the so-called parade was organized by a cleric made infamous during the most recent war in iraq battling u.s. forces. nic robertson is in baghdad and joins me live. it feels like on the ground, washington may be talking about supporting an iraqi government
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and talking about national unity, but it sounds to me on the ground out there, this has turned into a sectarian war. is that your impression? >> the gun feels loaded for it at the moment, fareed. and it's hard to see. somebody stopping the momentum towards pulling the trigger, if you will, a few years ago when u.s. forces were here, the city was heavier with u.s. diplomats. they can hold more sway and hold the sides apart. but looking at that demonstration by the militia and the sadr city of baghdad and basra in the south and many other militias that have been activated, it's very clear that the potential for a sectarian war is there. what we've seen, taking a territory by the -- essentially by the sunnis backed by isis or fronted by isis is another dimension of that, fareed. >> does it feel like in this
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context that american military advisers or even strikes could make a difference? >> it's going to have to be a long-term strategy. and certainly isis where they're taking some of their weapons and where they have safe haven and sanctuary is across the border in syria, indeed, in the same way that taliban and afghanistan could hide across the border in pakistan. so any effort to take out isis inside iraq to weaken them to help -- to help, if you will, strengthen the iraqi army and reclaim territory will have to necessarily include a component that strikes at isis' bases. it cannot succeed unless that happens. it's hard to see how 300 advisers can provide enough intelligence and deconflict the situation on the ground to provide the weight of air strikes. yesterday after three days of fighting a whole brigade of iraqi troops collapsed and were
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overrun at the border. they gave them free run all the way to the outskirts of baghdad. what air strikes could stop them, what could pick them off along the way and have an immediate strong impact? it's not clear, fareed. >> fascinating reporting as always. stay safe. will the united states be seen as taking sides in this sectarian war? is there a way to do this right? an all-star panel weighs in. stay with us. kid: hey dad, who was that man? dad: he's our broker. he helps look after all our money. kid: do you pay him? dad: of course. kid: how much? dad: i don't know exactly. kid: what if you're not happy? does he have to pay you back? dad: nope. kid: why not? dad: it doesn't work that way. kid: why not? vo: are you asking enough questions
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let's dig deeper into what
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the united states is doing in iraq, what it should be doing and how effective any potential action might be. i have a terrific panel with me, retired general anthony zinny was the commander of u.s. central command. in that post, he oversaw all u.s. troops in the greater middle east. richard clark spent 30 years working national security at the highest levels of government, including ten years at the national security council under both presidents bush and president clinton. he's also the author of the new thriller, sting of the drone. and robert grenier was the iraq missions manager from 2002 until 2004 and director of the cia's counterterrorism center from 2004 to 2006. gentlemen, welcome. richard clark, when we think about these things, we often think about them in sort of technical terms. will this make the army stronger, more effective? but my experience is it's red on
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the ground in political terms. the united states is supporting the shia dominated government, we are not supporting the sunnis, we are taking sides. do you worry that this is going to be read in a sectarian way, this support? >> i do. after all, the united states refused to get involved in syria, refused to help the sunnis who were being attacked by the government in syria. so it appeared like we were on the side of iran and the shia there. now, if we support the government in baghdad, it'll be seen in some parts of the middle east that were supporting the iranians and shia in iraq, as well, at the expense of the sunni. we have to remember that the goal here is not military. the goal is political. and it's to have a national reconciliation process between the sunni and the shia and, of course, the kurds. and so the u.s. military should
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do some things to prevent an al qaeda takeover of baghdad. but we have to limit what we do so that we keep our eye on the ball of the ultimate political solution that we have to try to achieve. >> when you listen to richard clark, is that doable? is that possible for us for the united states to, you know, to kind of stay somewhat removed and as i see what he's saying, as i interpret what he's saying, occasionally get involved, really zap the bad guys when they seem to be building a terrorist training camp or doing something that could affect u.s. interests. >> yes, i think we can have an influence there and i absolutely agree with dick that the key issue here is a political one. but the u.s. has to be in the mix. far short of having combat troops, we can enhance our presence in a way that will
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increase our political influence, both with the government and the sunni tribes with whom we've had close dealings with in the past. i don't, however, think we will serve our interests or the interests of any of the confirmed parties with a large conventional military force on the ground, combat troops, no. but the real weakness of the iraqi army as i see it, and i defer to the expertise of the general here, the tactical weakness. they have very, very bad tactical leadership. and i think that's where training mentorship of u.s. troops is going to be very important. keeping them there at the battalion level, i don't think, is going to be enough. >> how do you interpret the collapse of the iraqi army so far? it seems as though a lot of it is sunni troops who did not want to fight fellow sunnis or sunni troops disaffected by what they see as shia generals. in other words, again, it seems like this is not a matter of effectiveness, but it's a political issue that the army doesn't want to fight for this
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government or those units in the army. and can that be remedied? >> well, i think it's important to understand what dick said. we cannot validate this as a religious war. should we partner with iran and accept maliki not changing and continuing the same sort of isolation of the sunnis that he has? we will do that and clearly be seen on this one side and lose our allies in the gulf and in the region. i think what has to happen is, first, stay clear of the iranians. insist that anything more than the immediate emergency support we're supplying militarily for maliki is all we would do, unless he commits to a reform and changes and maybe even eventually steps down. third, i think, we have to go to our allies in the region, especially those countries that have sunni leadership, kurds, jordan, turkey, the gulf states, solicit their help. they're going to want these
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guarantees on a maliki change and see that we are distancing ourselves from iran. we're going to need their help in the long-term to convince the sunnis that whatever reforms maliki puts in place will be enforced, will be supported by us and will bring them back in to wholistic iraq. if not, then we're going to see three states that will be destabilizing for the region. >> dick clark, is it possible to imagine we can pull off this very delicate balancing act? because what we're saying is -- you know, i think there is this general consensus, you've got to do something to support this government against isis, against this al qaeda terrorist group. which means you're supporting a shia-dominated government that has been very tough on the sunnis and yet, some of us are going to say, but we're actually not supporting the shia and we're not supporting this in sectarian ways. you know, what i'm wondering is that requires a level of nuance
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that we may not be able to do, but more importantly may not be read that way in the region no matter what we do. he has to call the saudis the jordinians, and make clear that we're not getting in bed with iran and we're not making war on the sunnis. we're making war on isis, al qaeda, and he has to find a way and maybe the saudis can do this for us or the jordinians to open channels to the sunnis who are not part of al qaeda. and the goal here has to be to split off the reasonable sunnis who have been really attacked politically and otherwise by the maliki government in baghdad and to say to them, we don't support maliki, per se, we support a government of national unity. our problem is with al qaeda and
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not with you. now, that's going to be difficult, but it's not -- it's not beyond the capability of the united states if we cooperate with our allies in the gulf. >> you dealt with these people. is it possible for the sunnis of iraq to trust the maliki government? even if he did make some concessions? even if he did make outreach. if you were a sunni leader in iraq, you watched what maliki has done for the last four or five years. are you going to buy it? are you going to be willing to get in bed with him? it just feels like to me the prospect of national reconciliation at this point is remote. >> i agree with that. i think it's going to be very, very important for a replacement to be found for al maliki. i think it's very important for the americans to be speaking quietly with the iranians. you know, former u.s. ambassador to iraq has a very nice phrase for this. he says the iranian interest in iraq is to keep the sunnis down,
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the kurds in and the americans out. and right now, nuri al maliki is not serving any of the agenda items. i think they'll agree this man needs to be replaced. i think that we have to have a substantial presence on the ground to give us the influence that we need to work, again, indirectly, in conjunction with the iranians who share some interests with us to make sure there's a change of leadership in baghdad. >> remember, iran's interests in syria and lebanon and palestine and elsewhere is not in our interests. i don't see how you cut and split apart support or work with iran and then in another case oppose them. i just don't see the diplomacy that we've been lacking for quite a while that's going to pull this off. >> richard clark, would you agree talk to the iranians. >> not very much. i think we have to have some contact with them. we have to avoid being seen to have our advisers standing next
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to iranian advisers on the ground. the major thing we have to bear in mind here is it's not america's job to fix the middle east, it's america's job to worry about our own interests. and we have to be guided by two principles. one, we have to stop al qaeda and prevent a sanctuary. and two, we want to minimize iranian influence because it is fundamentally anti-american and seeking throughout the middle east to make trouble for the united states. those are the two things we should go after. and not worry about trying to make democracies or trying to make functioning states where that's nearly impossible. >> gentlemen, fascinating discussion. this issue is not going to go away. i hope we can rely on you again. next on "gps," the imf says the u.s. must raise its minimum wage. i have a better idea to help the nation's working poor. and it has some serious bipartisan support. i will tell you about it when we come back. but we're not in the business of naming names. the fact is, it comes standard with an engine
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president obama's agenda now. it's even inspired an unlikely best seller. people watch the growing inequality around the world and in the united states and despair about what to do. one of the most popular fixes is raising the minimum wage. and that's not just on the left. germany's chancellor angela merkel has recently supported a new wage increase as has britain's chancellor, the conservative george osborne. in the united states, president obama proposed boosting the federal minimum wage to $10.10 an hour in the beginning of the year. that's a 39% increase over the current minimum wage of $7.25. republicans have, of course, made it clear they will never pass this in congress. this week, the international monetary fund weighed in and urged the u.s. to raise the wage floor saying it is low by both historical and international standards. the federal minimum wage in america was about 38% of the median wage in 2011. which is one of the lowest
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percentages among the rich countries of the world. a group of more than 600 economists signed a letter imploring the president and congress to pass a wage hike they contend would have, quote, a small stimulative effect on the economy, unquote. truth be told, small is the operative word. it's really not clear what kind of effect raising the wage would have on the u.s. economy. the billionaire investor warren buffett has made very clear his positions on most economic issues, but not this one. buffett said this on cnn in april. >> i thought about it for 50 years, and i don't know the answer on it. >> there is, in fact, a better way to help the working poor. what's more, it's something that has some bipartisan support and something that the vast majority of economists agree will make people better off. what could it be? drum roll please -- we need to raise substantially the earned income tax credit. i know, i know, you don't know what i'm talking about and
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anyway, it sounds really boring. let me explain and you might be excited, too. the earned income tax credit, the eitc is a tax refund for people who earn under a certain threshold annually. so, if you earn under $51,567, you automatically get an extra refund check from uncle sam. so the average worker got anywhere from $2,000 to $6,000 back in 2012 depending on how much she made whether she's married, how many kids she has. what i'm suggesting along with many others is that more people should get more money back through the eitc. here's why the earned income tax credit is a more effective way of attacking poverty. the congressional budget office found that if the federal wage were increased to $10.10 as obama as proposed, 19% of the gains in income would go to workers below the poverty line.
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it's the intention to help those people. but get this, the cbo says that 29% of the income gains would go to households that make three times the poverty level. so raising the minimum wage is a blunt tool. it helps some working poor but also helps others and thus is inefficient. meanwhile, the earned income tax credit ensures that money almost entirely gets to the poorest workers, to those that needed the most. it is by far the most effective way to fight poverty and reward hard work. here's the problem. it's less palatable to politicians because they can't pass off the costs to employers. they have to pay for it themselves directly through the federal government. that shouldn't matter because it's a much more effective, efficient mechanism. in march, the white house did propose an expansion of the earned income tax credit to cover substantially more americans. some republicans have gotten on board. it would be funded by closing corporate tax loopholes, which
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would be a good thing to do anyway. the earned income tax credit is an anti-poverty tool that works. if it didn't exist, 3.1 million more children would've lived in poverty in 2011. it's a fundamentally conservative idea supported by milton freedman that eats away at inequality by investing more in americans. can washington get over the polarization enough to say yes to a good bipartisan idea? next on "gps," the other crisis ukraine. will germany support tougher measures against vladimir putin? i'll ask the german defense minister when we come back.
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this week, all eyes were on iraq. but let's not forget about ukraine. the question in that crisis has been the same from the start. how to get vladimir putin to behave. how to deter russia from being more aggressive. in my view, the only way to do that is solidarity. the united states and europe speaking from one mouth. to talk about all this and more joining me is ursula vander lin,
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the german defense minister, the first woman to hold that office. and talked about as a possible successor to chancellor merkel. >> hello, good to talk to you. >> do you believe that vladimir putin has been deterred? that russia is now content with the situation in ukraine as it is? what is your best information from the russian/ukrainian border? >> well, he didn't do that by chance. he did not do annexation of crimea out of the blue. it seemed to have been a long-termed strategic plan to have the intervention of crimea to have the annexation of crimea. and all of a sudden it seems so forgotten that putin trampled international rules and laws and
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ignored the sovereignty of the ukraine. so we should not forget about that. but something happened where i think putin did not count on. all of a sudden there was growing solidarity and unity in nato europe and america to stop him by the means we choose that are economic sanctions. and i think this is the right way to go. >> you know, the whole region is nervous. i know in finland, there is, for example, this great debate now about whether finland should become part of nato. how if finland were to try to dare to join nato it would start world war iii. do you think that the baltic states, finland potentially, could be defended in the event of a russian attack?
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>> the answer is, yes and because the kremlin does know that. he would certainly not even dare to think about it. >> madame minister, we've learned from the snowden revelations that the nsa had a very active -- has a very active presence in germany. has about a dozen collection sites around the country. there's this large building where it collects data. as an aftermath of all of these revelations, is germany still going to cooperation with u.s. intelligence services and data collection? or are you rethinking that? >> well, nsa is a difficult topic, and let me put it in the right frame. i'm absolutely convinced that we, europe specifically, germany and the united states, we have a strong bond, transatlantic bond
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and alliance because we share the same values. and we defend the same values. and over and over again, we have to make sure that we never forget that because we should not take it for granted this very specific friendship. it's something very precious. but within this friendship, yes, there has been quite a disappointment that the nsa was acting as it did in germany, specifically with regard of, you know, going into listening with phone call conversations of high representatives in germany, may put it in these terms. we've learned two things out of that. first of all, it's also matter of being dependent in germany from certain technologies. but there is also a discussion that has to be led between our
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countries and, i think, there's a debate in the united states, too, that poses the question whether the government is allowed to do anything that is possible. the rules by which we are playing specifically when the services -- what the services are concerned have to be redefined, the balance between individual rights and, of course, security matters that are important for a government. and i think the most important thing is the transatlantic trust and confidence and friendship we are caring for. and i'm sure we're going to solve the daily problems the friendship does have like the one you just mentioned. >> very diplomatically put. madame minister, thank you very much. pleasure to have you on. >> it was an honor, thank you.
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next on "gps," we'll recall a time in america when a major transformative piece of legislation and a very controversial one actually passed through congress thanks to the persuasiveness of a president. it's a tale with resonance today. when we come back. [male vo] inside this bag is 150 years
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ten days from now the united states will mark the 50th anniversary of the signing act of 1964. to me it remains one of the great puzzles and achievements of american history. the puzzle part is twofold. why did it take so long? it passed after the emancipation proclamation. and second, how did it finally get past? to get the answers, let's step back 50 years. it's hard for young people to imagine, but back then, there were restaurants and stores and cabs mostly in the south where black people were not served. there was separate water fountains for the two races. and as rosa parks made infamous, separate sections of buses just to name a few. it was legal in 1964 to refuse
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to hire somebody because of the color of the skin or their gender. had addressed the nation to urge action on civil rights. >> it ought to be possible in short for every american to enjoy the privileges of being american without regard to race or his color. but this is not the case. >> but then kennedy was assassinated. surprisingly, his successor, lyndon baines johnson took up the cause, a cause that looked hopeless. why? here's american historian and johnson biographer robert carroll. >> civil rights had always died in the senate because of the filibuster, but this bill wasn't even in the senate. it wasn't on the house floor. it was in the house rules committee which was chaired by this racist from virginia, judge howard w. smith. and he wasn't letting it out. >> american political parties were very different back then. smith was a democrat and carroll
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says smith's southern democrats were conservative and racist and powerful. >> the southerners controlled congress. and, you know, civil rights was boiling up on the streets of the south. there were so many heroes there. i mean, 1964 is the summer when they were killed, the summer when all the fire hoses were being turned on to little children. rolling that little girl down the street. it was horrible. but the civil rights bill wasn't moving. the southern democrats didn't care what national sentiment was. in their district, the congressional district or state if it was the senate. the voters didn't care for that. the voters like their stand against civil rights. >> but johnson had a secret weapon he would wield called a discharge position. it would have to be released from the rules committee to be voted on by the full house.
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first, johnson had to figure out a way to get one crucial vote. charles halick of indiana was the house republican leader who said that anybody who signed the discharge petition would be kicked out of the republican party. how did johnson change his mind? here's caro again. >> johnson has halick to his office. and with halick's, he feels what he really wants is -- grants for purdue university, which is the biggest employer in his congressional district. well, he is sitting there, he picks up the phone and calls james webb, the national administrator and says i'm sending charles halick over to you. >> i need to do anything i can. isn't there something you can do? >> i'll do anything i can and hopefully he'll tell you he's not satisfied and he comes back to me, well, i'm going to be talking to you again. >> yes, sir.
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>> thank you, sir. >> he is satisfied and the "new york times" reports the next day all during this republican caucus, people are members are walking out to take calls from leaders and the republicans start to sign the discharge petition. and the civil rights bill starts to get moving. >> but once past the house, the bill had to go to the senate. there was an arguably bigger hurdle there. what was thought to be an inpenetrable southern filibus r filibuster. strom thurman had filibustered for 24 hours and 18 minutes. still the record for the longest filibuster in history. >> the central drama it seems to me is between johnson and his greatest mentor, richard russell. and i've now -- because of the book, i've listened to the tapes. and the tapes are fascinating because you see johnson seducing russell, telling him you're the most important person in my
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life. you've got to come to dinner. >> it's not up to me tell you how smart you are. the son to tell the father. >> well, take care of yourself. i love you and be good. >> clearly what i know from the book is the strategy and the plot is to totally undermine him and outmaneuver him and pass this bill despite russell's opposition. >> and you're exactly right. you summarized it better than i could. but russell knows what he's dealing with. he tells a friend. says, you know, we could've beaten kennedy in the civil rights, we can't beat lyndon johnson. he says he's a man that understands power and how to use it. he'll tear your arm off at the shoulder and beat you over the head with it. but he'll get your votes. we're going to lose to lyndon johnson. >> and lose is exactly what russell did. on june 10th, 1964, the senate voted to end the filibuster and soon after pass the bill. on july 2nd, lyndon johnson, the
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unlike unlikely shepherd spoke to the nation before signing the bill and ended with a powerful message. >> let us close the springs of racial poison. let us lay aside irrelevant differences and make our nation whole. >> he does recognize and says, i have handed the south over to the republican party. >> he knew he was paying a terrible political price for doing what he thought was the right thing. >> yes, a terrible political price. >> thanks to the great robert caro. for more on this fascinating portion of american history, don't miss cnn's series "the sixties" a great episode on the civil rights act airs this thursday at 9:00 p.m. eastern for viewers in north america.
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a new report analyzing u.n.
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data shows global trade in arms and weapons almost doubled between 2001 and 2011. it brings me to may question -- which nation leads the world in both the import and export of small arm. is it germany, russia, the united states, or china? stay tuned, and we'll tell you the correct answer. this week's back of the week is jam divick devine's "good hu" a 32-year veteran of covert action at the cia gave was that fascinating look at the work around the world. now for the "last look." this week prince phillipe became phillye vi, king of spain. rather than what one sees at regular coronations, he opted for a more muted ceremony. it felt more like a second marriage than the big first wedding ceremony. there was a military procession
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and a simple proclamation. there were no horse-drawn carriages, the royals arrived by car. although that is a nice car. there were no foreign royals or heads of state in attendance. king juan carlos himself didn't even attend the ceremony. instead of a seated banquet, guests were served tapas while standing. the crown was displayed next to him, but he didn't wear it. some criticized the austere event as a missed opportunity to project a positive image of spain to the world. the occasion was reflective of spain's economic situation and mood. still recovering from the recession, the country's unemployment rate is roughly 26%. for youth that number is north of 50%. that didn't stop others from adding pomp to the event. commemorative souvenirs, reminiscent of a royal wedding, are being sold run the country.
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that could be a nice stimulus that the country need. the correct answer to the question was c, the united states, as some of you might have predicted which tops both lists of countries without at least $100 million with export and port annually. china and russia joined the list at the top of exporters. germany was the only other country to join the u.s. on both lists. thanks to all of you for being part of my program this week. i will see you next week. hello, everyone, these are the stories topping our news this hour -- islamic militants in iraq storm more towns including one near baghdad. u.s. secretary of state john kerry is in the region right now and calls isis a global threat. >> no country is safe from that kind of spread of terror. >> our jim sciutto is traveling with secretary kerry and joins us live from jordan. pope francis take on the mafia right in the hometown of a
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notorious crime syndicate. hear what the pope told more membersters that mobsters. team usa takes on portugal in four hours from now. we'll put you all in the middle of it coming up. first up, islamic militants in iraq known as isis are making significant gains in their efforts to take down iraqi troops and take over strategic towns. two iraqi security officials say isis now controls 70% of the western province of anbar. and that includes a strategically key town that includes a border crossing interest syria which is an -- into syria which is a stronghold, and militants control a town that is about 60 miles outside the capital of baghdad. togeer