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tv   Book Discussion on The Wars of Reconstruction  CSPAN  February 9, 2014 11:03pm-11:52pm EST

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over here. >> for more information visit to the author's website, douglas presents a history opresent the historyof america e reconstruction. of the author report that close to 1500 african-americans assumed public office including the first african-american u.s. senators, rebels and joseph and sat on north carolina supreme court. this is about 50 minutes. >> thank you so much. it's nice to be here. i went to graduate school in washington in the 1980s and it's always nice to be back --
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it's good to be back. i was asked to talk for about 30 minutes and that leaves time for question, discussion and may be disagreement. let me start with a story. when the war ended, a lot of black soldiers were with the ct so they decided to stay put where they were in the south. some were working class backgrounds and in the north they were underpaid and they had no reason to go back home. the 180,000 who served in the armed forces, 140,000 word former slaves and had no business to return to and in a small town othesmall town of tey thomas and george brooks. they settled down and promptly organized a local unit of the union club in philadelphia base, pro union link and policy organization. they then began to register friedman to vote. and by the mid-1967 the local
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clansmen decided they had enough of this and decided they were going to intimidate the men by hooding up and riding through the black part of town and showing them who was in charge. but thomas and brooks were former soldiers and veterans. they fought in the war an war ig one and they were not going to run now. like a lot of former soldiers they were with their guns, so they ordered her to the political townspeople and they hunkered down behind the barrels and watering troughs in the 15 men came riding through town and they just opened fire. for the vigilantes, they were left behind this kind of pile of fluid and roads and guns in the middle of the street and he goes out and collects them and add them to his arsenal. there's two points to the story on the narrative of my book.
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the u.s. army had been for these men their home, their school, their political club, a stepping stone into political office. of the 1500 identifiable african-american men who served in local, state during this period at least 130 had been in the military. 41 veterans helped to write the state constitutions in the american south. 64 became state assemblyman. three veterans became governor and military service opened the door for the congressmen and one u.s. senator. but sadly if one of the points in this book is we need to recognize and empathize this kind of local black activist, especially on the part of that event, we should also understand what white vigilantes learned from things like the militant about gold. but the danger of this kind of group activism is first of all they will fight back and a
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second ithesecond is if they kih all at once that gets the attention of journalists and editors in washington dc and new york and of president grant. the vigilantes learned it was safer to go after the activists one by one and eliminate event. he didn't mean robes and hoods but guns and they went outside somebody's house early in the morning when they come out so by late 68 texas whites have targeted brooks and thomas for assassination and quietly picked both of them off. for many americans, reconstruction i think is remembered badly and in the propeller imagination, and sarah a good to this it is a time of anarchy and the indicative republicans tried to punish the south end of thsouth and the tin carpetbaggers and their bond it educated black allies turn the government into a joke.
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i should say in the name of full disclosure my ancestors were north carolina and tennessee confederate and like all historians i read my online posting reviews and my last about one person said of course he thinks this. he's a yankee. i was born and raised in arizona and my people come as my grandma would like to say, were from the south. without agenda on the plight of the pocket is to suggest we've remember reconstruction the way that it was of the warriors without apology and with clarity and an understanding of who was right and who was wrong. four major points i want to make briefly, first the reconstruction era was revolutionary in the best sense of the word. second, it was a national crusade. it wasn't simply -- black activists understood the entire nation required reformation.
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third, it didn't end in 1837. historians like textbooks say it stops and of course it doesn't. this stretches to 1961. finally, it didn't fail. if it ended, and it didn't end every place but it's not because the policies were wrongheaded and it failed because it killed and it was murdered mike brooks and thomas. they were systematically targeted for the removal and assassination and one by one they disappeared in the dead of night. the book begins not at the end of the war but 1864 with two interconnected groups into the first of course our black soldiers to fight for the right to serve their country not until january of 1863 allowed to serve in the u.s. military. the second interconnected group black activists many of whom are from the south but this is living in the north and they have sons and brothers serving
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in the armed forces. they understood the entire country have to be reconstructed from the ground up and their job therefore was to lobby. president lincoln and so-called radicals in congress and to get the most progressive in washington who by their standards were not all that progressive behind their agenda. so in october of 1864 to begin audible enough living in syracuse new york. in that month 150 delegates representing 17 states and washington dc met in a convention in the methodist church by the way if you go to syracuse today it's a mexican restaurant called the mission. it's okay. the decor is better than anything else, it's still there. there had been black activists
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in the convention movement before the war of course they would push very hard for anti-slavery that in the dred scott decision of 1857, it simply died. black americans became the cheapest and they have no future in the country even frederick douglass began to toy with the idea of relocating to haiti so to kind of jump start this movement they met in october of 64 in syracuse and douglas as they are and of course is the alpha male in the movement and logan, logan was a runaway slave who moved to tennessee and they become in-laws. his daughter mar mary lewis dous was a wounded a black veteran and a friend of douglas. there also was the longtime abolitionist. there is the future virginia congressman langston and a young for the sofia activist i will talk more about him in a few
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minutes. for three days they issued their agenda items and they called for a full voting rights across the north and of course blacks can vote on the same basis where there were not many black voters anyway. the rights for black soldiers to get equal pay. at this point they were not being paid at the same amount and they called for the right of black soldiers including people like lewis douglas to be able to rise and become commissioned officers which at this point they were not allowed to do. finally they announced as the last agenda item to call for more conventions and to deputize people that were in syracuse and to say you go here and here and you keep the ball rolling and keep the agenda moving. so march and 65 they meet in another convention in albany new york and of course the following month the war ends and the convention movement move south.
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may 91865, just weeks after robert surrenders, black virginians meet at a carpenter's house in richmond and they are pushing for black rights. henry allen goes on a train north and he sai set a conventin and more folks virginia. they then hold conventions in new orleans and nashville across the river in alexandria virginia and in alabama and remind you this is a national movement and the faraway sacramento. every convention began with a speech on abraham lincoln, that the activists ou activists out r telling him they were not so sure about his party. in most books on reconstruction, sort of the big story narrative is a snap between the so-called moderates lincoln and the more radical progressives like stevens 1863 the radicals and congress passed a bill that was
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supposed to be really the kind of progressive reconstruction response to lincoln and they don't mention the voting rights. so 1866 in response to the rising tide itself, the radicals and congress passed the civil rights act. and it doesn't mention black voting rights, so what i'm talking about here in this book is it is outside and doesn't mention the so-called radical republicans. to kind of get on board with their agenda. and of course they finally get it and the reconstruction act of march 67-ton of which pertains of course only to the south. finally, as of that moment, blacks in the south vote and run for office. i mentione mentioned ago that ta movement that was radical in the best sense of the word. look how fast this happens. march of 67, the supreme court announces that even if they are
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born free like lewis douglas who was born int into that further cannot be citizens of the united states because the founding fathers did not intend for them to be. now blacks are voting in virginia. alabama thanks to the reconstruction act, and of course in december 1860 south carolina secede the union. there are two states at the time thabut have a black majority. south carolina and mississippi. so 1860 there for ten years to the day south carolina sends african americans to the national congress. this is a former slaves who served nine years, we office in 1879, born a slave he was a mixed race, his father was white and his father bought him before the war and freed him. so when the war and as he helps write the state constitution for south carolina, serves in this
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eight once the local office and then finally runs for the it fie national office and in ten years after the war began he is representing the estate of john calhoun in the nations capital. that same year, the first senator took the seat from mississippi. he had never been a slave and he was born in north carolina, left the south, he was educated as a minister and becomes a chaplain during the war so he's also a veteran. he takes the seat formerly occupied by the state of mississippi, jefferson davis. davis quit his seat when south carolina secede and for ten years the seat is empty. the first person to hold that seat from mississippi after geoff davis is a man of color and again this is just astonishing how fast this happens. when we discuss how revolutionary this was we also
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note its impact on the north and again they understood this was a national crusade for the soul of america this wasn't about fixing south carolina or mississippi but it was about fixing the north and of course new york. until the 14th amendment 1860s and the dred scott decision was still fit and it doesn't matter. the decision is still there so when they meet in this convention in syracuse, they are ruled by the highest court in the land that's not citizens of this country which is why people like frederick douglass wants so much for the black americans to be allowed to serve because once you fight for your country they can't stop you and so as douglas once said that a black man get an eagle on his button and no power on earth cannot tell him he is not a citizen of the united states. and of course because of douglas was a well-to-do publisher and editor he could vote, but about 80% of black new yorkers could
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not vote during the civil war. back to 1821 they revised the state constitution and of course there was still slavery in new york until 1827. they passed the law for the emancipation in 1799 but its gradual and covers the people born after 1799 so if you are before the cutoff date you are not covered. finally they passed the law in 1827 and becomes free so before they do that if they are writing this constitution and it seems to make sense to keep this distinction between white and black voters so they remove 1821 and a property quotation for whites but put $250 in property. so again douglas can vote but most in buffalo would not be able to. in 1860 the state puts this as a ballot of referendum do you want to keep this property qualification or not and bear in
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mind he carries new york in 1866 people go to the polls in new york and vote for lincoln and then they vote down the referendum eliminating this proclamation for blacks. then blacks served in the military. 1867 after the war is over, again to repeal the property qualification. it fails 90 to 33. it's not even close. and of course it was yet in illinois and in ohio and in pennsylvania and indiana and new jersey were zero african-americans can vote so it's not until 15th amendment is ratified in 1870 that suddenly blacks aren't franchises across the north and outside of new england. when i was growing up in arizona, not in many ways the most progressive state --
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[laughter] my textbooks in high school talked about how the reconstruction was vindictive and designed to punish the south. so there is a biracial term. joseph rainey was a southerner and in no way did they believe this was to punish the south because now the voting rights were becoming truly democratic. when we talk about the reconstruction becoming vindictive one of the black congressmen and south carolina is robert smalls who becomes a war hero and he's not a field hand. his master owned ships and so he himself was a pilot so during the war he steals a confederate ship and turns it over to become the war hero and then run run fr state office in hopes like the state constitution and finally runs for congress. he is raised in south carolina
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and his house is still there. the ambassador dies during the war and he likes the house and he buys it. his mistress is still alive and she's a little old and one day she walks in the door so what does he do? he takes her in it he gives her a room free of board and cares for her for the rest of her life. so, one story of private confession is admittedly anecdotal. but americans today say that it was indicative. ask them what part of this was vindictive, decent public schools, which they lacked before the war, voting rights for all mail americans come integrated streetcars. when i go to a conference in the south or speak in the south, one of the things i like to do is go on tour and my partner doesn't allow me to talk or ask
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questions. so if you've been to charleston they have these carriages driven by someone with a confederate capsule and they point at fort sumter and say reconstruction was the least democratic moment in south carolina history. when the war breaks out, again the state is 61% black like sout61% blocklike southafrica iy a tiny white minority and all of a sudden it is the majority that has the right to vote and run for office. it is in fact prior to 1965 when again they can vote and women can vote. the most progressive moment. not the most progressive but in softline history. in the 1870s three of the four congressman from south carolina are people like robert smalls and joseph rainey so finally the state of south carolina has a congressional delegation that looks like the rest of the state
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that resembles the rest of the state. some modern critics think that the former slaves were not ready for political rights, not ready for political responsibility. the person that i replaced in upstate new york used to tell his civil war class that they were not yet ready for voting rights. as one former slave that i quoted in the book says it's true i have no book wording that i know justice when i see it. he's on the right side and who's on the wrong side. it's true that the 21 men who served in congress about half of them were former slaves but none were ill literate field hands. a typical was the congressman for north carolina. the talented slaves were also printed out as being hired by the master so aa is rented out by his master to the local
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jeweler and he wants to send him on aarons around town and get things for his business and he finds it inconvenient that the boy can't read and the master finds out and brings him home and beat him to tell him he will not be reading. he then steals a book from his master's library and is trying to read it and a master cells into alabama. he sells five times before he's 25-years-old for the crime of wanting to read. i use this story to beat my students up on this. my student old elite co. aren't always excited about doing reading and here is a kid that is beaten and repeatedly sold because he wants the written word. understand that knowledge has been kept from them and in south carolina it is illegal to take chief slaves how to read and is frowneitis frowned on in south , it was illegal.
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they understand that knowledge is the path to political rights and the path to prosperity and all these conventions in the south demand voting rights. they are pushing really hard for plant redistribution but the one thing on top of their agenda is that they want a decent school for their children. in part due to the southern poverty and they would yield to come to their children. in the south carolina there were no public schools for white or black children, only to confederate states texas and louisiana have a free public education for middle-class and working-class kids and so the first thing he pushes for is to write to the sout the south care constitution is free public education and integrated public education and they have it in the school system for the first time it has decent schools for
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its children. so why does all of this and? and again it doesn't end every place. if you are a young black voter in chicago, voting rights never leave. if you are a black barber in syracuse, reconstruction is a success because the 15th amendment has given you something you can't take away. and there's a lot of things that can't be taken away. in 186090% of blacks are ill literate and by law and the south. by 1870 that comes down to 70%. by the 20th century is down to 50%. that is still pretty bad at the same time white literacy in the south is only 2%. so in half a century the numbers have just kind of skyrocketed and certainly by 1900 schools become segregated all across the country including in new york
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schools and black areas that are underfunded. but that is a sort of gift and the power that can't be taken completely away. and again it doesn't end because the policy is a failure to start with it is because it's filled. it ends because it's murdered. and there were a number of big-city race riots when a memphis, one in new orleans and colfax louisiana in 1872 on election day but again, those kind of atrocities getting a lot of attention and appear in the new york papers and washington papers and again, white vigilantes and southern democrats discover it's easier to go after one person, one at a time. you go off to the workers, registrars, bureau teachers and in the 19th century you don't vote with a ballot if you have e a ticket and everybody has a ticket and they hand out tickets
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that looks like a big bookmark. so they ride up to the house of the blac black republican in soh carolina who has the ticket and they say the obvious. give us the tickets or we will kill you and he hands the tickets over and the next day is election day and there are no republican ballots in that county in south carolina. white vigilantes come to understand that today's registrar is tomorrow's state assembly man and two days assembly man is the next congressman or the next years senator and a so before they become famous you can stop progress in its tracks and it's very visible. there's an assassination in the state assembly man. he's got it right away so if this is in broad daylight. finally by 1901, the last of the black congressman of north carolina gives up.
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he knows he's going to lose the next election so the congressman quits congress and decides to stay here in washington dc and he says one cannot be a man and live in the south but all the way down to 1901, the year that mckinley dies there are people of color from the south serving in the u.s. congress. and not to pick on the south, the violencsouth,the violence io the south that young man leading the charge for the streetcar integration in philadelphia was the young man that goes t to ths year accused convention of 1864. his parents were born free in south carolina and they leave the state to go to new jersey and he's raised in philadelphia. he's a teacher that works at the schools at the institute of covert youth in philadelphia. he taught math and english, latin, greek and one day he is walking home and of course this is the city of brotherly love. african-americans cannot get on
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the street cars and he's tired so like rosa parks he gets on the streetcar and the driver tells him to get off and he is not going to. it's late in the day and he doesn't need at this headache so he takes the horses back to the barn and says come back tomorrow morning. he comes back the next morning and he is still sitting there and the entire carriage has been filled up with black philadelphians and they are all holding their claim and they are ready and they win and the city backs down and integrates the street cars. that should have a happy ending but then come comes election das and 71 and cato was assassinated by a white democrat on election day in front of hundreds of people and of course the all white jury finds him not guilty. strange enough, as he is lying on the sidewalk by, pulling up next to him as an integrated
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streetcar so the last thing he sees that he's lying there looking at is a streetcar .-full-stop and white faces looking down at him since he succeeded that he is paid the ultimate price. let me summarize this way and then we will have time for questions and discussions. the way i think about reconstruction is that it's a very long area from the syracuse convention to 1901 when george henry wife just walks away because he has had enough. it's a reminder that history isn't a steady march of progress from the bad old days to the allegedly modern times. americans who are optimistic creatures like to think today is better than yesterday and sometimes that's true and sometimes it's not. he would have argued south carolina and america was a better place to live in 1875 and
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it was 20 years before in south carolina. but he lived until 1915 long enough to see the rise of jim crow and the emergence of segregated schools, underfunded schools, and of course the loss of the voting rights for people like himself. in a lecture to the congress he estimated that 53,000 -- 53,000 people like octavius, teachers, blackpool workers, registrars were murdered during the years of reconstruction. what you see in this book is the civil war being continued by other means and that is a number that americans don't know about and need to hear about. every american has and should of course hear about the battle of gettysburg. the casualties are atrocious. they are killed and wounded the
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51,000. again he argues that 53,000 people die in the war of reconstruction. they die trying to fulfill the promise abraham lincoln made at gettysburg where he said americans made this promise we would be a country of liberty and freedom and equality and for that long americans failed to achieve that. octavius dies trying to make america live up to that promise. reconstruction was i think the first truly progressive era and there's nothing about it to apologize for or to be ashamed for. it was a great and noble moment. and that was 32 minutes. [applause] if you have questions, gets to the microphone.
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>> of thesmicrophone. >> these are questions, not speeches. >> how could we have done reconstruction better if we doubled the troops would that have made things better? >> as i talk about in the book it is the indian wars in the midwest. every textbook will tell you that during the contested election of 1876 weeks this deal but it's a symbolic gesture. there are 2,800 soldiers in the south. i bet there's more cops today in washington dc band soldiers in the entire south. so he's agreed to pull them out and black americans understand it is his symbolic way of saying you're on your own. there is a native american contest in the midwest the soldiers are taken out of
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alabama and shipped to the midwest but i have a lot of you a chance we can't have a fair election down here with one patrol. so trying into kind of decide where they are going to be in the 70s and 80s is for linking not to be shot and i'm not trying to suggest that he is the only man for the job, that he is absolutely the worst man for the job. there is a moment in time i have a lot of evidence in the book where they write a series of editorials for the papers and a bear in mind 65, marching
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home so there is this enormous loss of people. look at columbia south carolina win the war iwhen the war is ovs like berlin. so the agents especially are saying they know they are defeated. we get to make the new policy and of course he makes it clear early on but th that the only tg that he will crack down on is an attempt to re- enslave. anything else, segregation, loss of rights, that he is fine with and it kind of end powers sort of the small reactionary group prone to violence and the klansmen types who don't just silence white teachers, they also go after the types who are willing to kind of turn the page and start a new because they regard them as soft and weak as regards to them so the other
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thing is anybody but andrew johnson has been quite different. what makes our reconstruction that harder than 1945 in japan or 1945 in germany and the answer is harry truman digs his heels in and president johnson is like we will just go about the business. so if there is a billing in the book johnson is it. he's a terrible president. >> something you said kind of peaked my interest you mentioned briefly that there was some interest in the policy. can you fill that out a little bit and what is the means or the
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structure of that plan. >> there's a lot of areas where early on during the war they simply abando abandoned the coaf south carolina and georgia and that is wher where that the land. they are taken over the coast so there are giant pockets where there are areas where the soldiers arrived and they've moved into the plantation big house and divide the land up and a number of generals who are not progressives do they need an entourage of black refugees and they need to keep them back on the plantations so they passed a bill created in that era and in
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the language of the law they could apply and work the land after three years and pay rent and have the option maybe we can leave behind some deals so what does southern blacks are talking about the art of making that up. >> it simply was abandoned. about 30% of you become smalltime farmers will ride the end of the 19th century. they just don't make it home
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that is something that the black culture tests were working for and it's up to them. they worked for decades without compensation and now it's time for some payback. this is the time to do that because these are the people that worked for decades. without being paid a penny and now the responses there is a chance to pay us back. we have stories here where a woman comes out of the house and he is busy trying to drag it away with horses and he says it's mine now as far as he is concerned he made it and it's his. one of you could make a very
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compelling argument that the land reform would have helped get the south on its feet and give it kind of a level of prosperity because the ideas that people actually have a stake in the land is theirs and going to work harder and so one possible answer to the southern poverty is you get people to own a piece of land. again he is talking about land. not whole scale, but certainly the land that has been abandoned. that is a great question. yes sir. >> how do you explain -- it is amazing to me the juxtaposition on the one hand of the sacrifice of so many lives during the civil war, soldiers going in and singing -- as i have heard you
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and others speak to be so profound that people were on the one hand willing to give their lives and then after it's over the heck with these guys because it was widely known. >> that is a great question and the most obvious answer is they are in different. so they can vote in alabama and part of it is the white south and the hard-core reactionaries who don't give up where the north down and people get fatigued about this and it's kind of a ping-pong back and forth.
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they are an attempt to kind of free and slave black americans but they try to impose the serious labor controls into the state law they are not allowed to buy or rent land but that's about it. they are not allowed to run for office. so in the reconstruction act as response to that with the clan and for a lot of northerners who are trying to get on with their life and there is a sort of enormous dislocation and 73 there is a global depression of ththenorth gets tired in part be it was never that dedicated to the social equality anyway. a handful of white progressives including carpetbaggers who have been hard as being determined to
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plunder the south they are not the majority. >> you talked abou talk to the f johnson being a billing of your book. how would you assess the level in the supreme court and making it difficult to enforce reconstruction striking down civil rights? >> there is a certain blame to go around, and i guess the kind of hero of the book and one of the few really legitimately white progressives voices is charles sumner who writes a good civil rights act which is similar to the 1960s and as he is dying his last words are passed which does get passed by 1875 and a visitin visiting couy staffed by northerners strikes it down. i'm not suggesting there isn't more to go around but there is this kind of one moment where if anybody in washington said
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here's the deal here is how it is going to be and there will not be black codes you don't have to like your neighbor that we are not going to go back, they would have one in the south. so there's a lot of people one could look back on in history and pick on. >> so what is the role of the enforcement act of 1870, the ku klux klan act? and in the civil rights movement of the 1960s there is a legal strategy said to whastrategies e the activists responsible for getting these past and do they provide resources that are being utilized? or the public civil partnerships to advance the cause? >> it was passed in 1870 in the response to the militant organized clan and it's very good and it allows to crack down to declare martial law and he
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declares it in eight counties in south carolina and the attorney general who actually is a southerner whose story likes this idea of democrats getting in the way of democracy and voting rights. they cracked down to the problem is they can crack down on essentially kind of large-scale organized groups who are foods and robes and again, no you don't play that game because they can't put you in prison and all they have to do is find one guy in the local plan unit with 10,000 years in prison he names all of his friend jim cousins come up before guys that ride to someone's house in the dead of night and shoot him as he's walking out the door in the morning, those are hard to find. so it is quite good. it's simply good at dealing with very large groups and the response of those groups is to stop being large groups into kinlarger groups tend tokind of. it's probably -- it is the peak
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of activism in the first term and of course it becomes very scandals in the second term but what i found interesting is for me the part of grant's scandal it is atrocious judgment putting people in the cabinet who were there to take -- one can only focus on so much and so the grant administration is spending all his time and energy on the scandals and can't deal with the other problem in the south. what's interesting though is grant is still fairly young and toys around with the idea and one of the sources i used in the book is the correspondence with the other black congressman representing mississippi. he at the time i as the only blk senator and so over the country california, virginia, new york saying can you do this and this and that they are all saying can
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you get him to run for the third term which is not to say that they are happy with the grand scandals of the balanced scale the scandals and white vigilante is some come he is the one that has the military background and the ability, the name to kind of crackdown on southern democrats and so they want it back and of course the party doesn't want him back, and that's the end of that. but he is a great guy and he would be surprised to find that the historians do not share in that opinion. >> another question. were you ever tempted in writing your book and thinking about this to make the modern comparisons to contemporary insurgencies in afghanistan and iraq and all the rest? it seems like what you are saying is the blueprint is being followed. >> i was attempting to put that
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in writing. we thought about these kind of hard-core reactionaries on the dead and three of their things like that that pop into mind that'ifit's not to be an endorsf dick cheney. but i did find familiar and depressing if you are my age you can recall the activism of the 1950s and 1960s and fights over integrated schools and public transportation and over voting rights and of course again with modern voting suppression law. had to fight and one in the 1870s and the 1880s, we wouldn't fight it again in the 1950s and so it is kind of the failure of people in power in washington during the construction to kind of carried through the agenda being pushed that makes everything necessary agaimake everything necessaryagr king because they are not
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allowed to succeed. so that is the one i found kind of the most kind of obvious and depressing comparison. yes, sir? >> yes, i am intrigued by the idea that there were black activists during the program and the 1860s and 70s. how can we find more about besides reading your book about who the individuals were -- >> [inaudible] [laughter] >> who the individuals were coming and my second part is why our all american history books so awful in the way they presented what happened in reconstruction or at least some of the drawings they show just really horrible as to what was not true obviously and i can understand the southern textbooks in the south with all over the country so that's really -- i don't understand that at all.
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>> there are good biographies of people like robert smalls and they are all on the footnotes and quite often there are dissertations that have been published and is so they are very good they are just kind of flying under the radar but they are not well known. if you go to -- this bookstore website for example robert smalls and you can find books like henry white. certainly the textbooks are getting better in the reconstruction, and again it isn't fair to pick on the textbooks in the 1970s. one doesn't want to know what is in the current textbook because of course it's kind of rewriting your own standards. part of it is popular memory and culture and the last part of the book talks about gone with the wind where they try to write the early 20th century call troll bore aha


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