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tv   Book Discussion on White Rage  CSPAN  August 14, 2016 7:15am-8:31am EDT

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anything at least as far as this part of the program is concerned. if you're interested in purchasing books, i'd be happy to find them for you. thank you very much. [applause] [inaudible conversations]
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>> hello and welcome to lefty books for her book with carol andersen. this is of course not left the books i am host for left bank books i would like to thank our cosponsor for the evening, the ferguson public library. their work and activism is incredible and inspiring. they are wonderful partner to have. (-left-paren both postoperative infinitives with your help that we were able to continue bringing in your favorite authors. when you support us, you reinvest in your community because tax dollars are going into schools, streets, libraries and give credibility to higher rates. get back to our community by partnering with charities and organizations i'm also doing a summer fun raising for this
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program. the river city readers served single public school children died building their own home library and encouraging literacy. the students get to keep five books each year in meet the authors of culturally relevant new books. i would like to ask you to make a donation tonight if any now. you can do so at the sales table you can ask me about sponsoring a child. it is wonderful and i will tell you all about it if you would like to hear. i would like to especially thank u. for all of your continued support for us. for information about her upcoming events, information on our reading group and much more, please visit our website. grab one of our newsletters. i'm very proud to introduce carol andersen for left bank books. the ferguson iraq did across the
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spec and then referred to the angry response of african-americans back rach come andersen wrote a remarkable op-ed at the "washington post" showing that this was instead weybridge of work. carefully historical flashpoints for african-americans was countered by a deliberate cleverly crafted opposition. it is long covert actions in the names of protecting democracy. lonnie cobb says that you historians write with the greatest clarity and intellectual in this book. there are a handful of writers whose work i consider indispensable. professor andersen is high up on this list and the editor of white rage also says that this is one of the most important books that he has worked on. carol andersen is professor of african-american studies at emory university.
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she's the author of many books including the naacp and the struggle for colonial 1941 to 1960 in numerous articles. anderson's opinion article from the "washington post" will appear in the fire this time and new generations edited by national book award winner which comes out in august and i highly recommend that book as well. the article shaped and help define this book and a movement. white rage is inspiring, maddening and necessary. from the epilogue and matching, it is time to diffuse the power of white rage. it is time to finally truly move into the future. tonight, carol will be discussing white rage the unspoken truth of our racial divide, answering your question and signing copies of her book available for purchase from left bank books. but you please help me -- join
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me in welcoming carol andersen. [applause] >> and thank you. thank you for coming out on what day is this? i really truly appreciated. i appreciate the ferguson public libraries has done and is for this community. thank you. and i appreciate left bank books as well. thank you. i wanted to spend some time for us kind of talking about how i got to white rage, while white rage isn't meant to move into several excerpts from the book and open it up for q&a. when i first began to wrestle with the concept of white rage, it wasn't ferguson. it was in fact in february 1999
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when a black man in new york city stepped out on his doorstep after a long hard day's work to go get something to eat. and he was greeted with 41 bullets. 19 of which hit him. his name is, do dlo and he was gunned down by the n.y.p.d. he was unarmed. that was bad enough. as we know from this killing, it is the response that begins to tell you what is happening in society. so i am sitting there and i am listening to mayor rudy giuliani in an interview with ted koppel on "nightline" and ted koppel was talking about the n.y.p.d.,
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the amadou diallo killing. talking about 41 bullets. he's talking about stopping frist. he's talking about police brutality and rudy giuliani says i have been most restrained and best behaved police force you can imagine. okay yeah, i had one of those scooby doo moments. and then he began to talk about how his policies were working, that what he is put in place in new york city has brought down crime. new york city is a safer place because of his policies and he has flow charts and graphs and bars, everything. what you don't hear is that an unarmed lack men step up for this porch and was gunned down.
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i am sitting there going something is fundamentally wrong, structurally wrong. i didn't know what to call it. i didn't know what to label it, but i knew something was wrong. i began working in thinking and working and thinking and then august 2014, the television is on and i'm watching an icy ferguson and then i hear the pundits talking. what they were talking about was black rage. why are black people bringing up where they live. what is wrong with black people? how can they burn up where they live? why are they burning up? it didn't matter what
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ideological stripe, it was all centers, the baseline from this starting point was black rage. i found myself in this moment shaking my head. and at the moment when you shake your head something is going on and you don't even realize that's not right. and that is when it hit me. it is white rage. what we're really seeing is that we have been so focused in on the flames we have missed the kindling. we have missed what has stoked the fire. we have missed the disfranchisement of the black community in ferguson that through all kinds of shenanigans and rigmarole had created wherein the 2013 municipal election in a population that is 67% of ferguson's population community 6% black voter
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turnout. uconn to work really hard to make that happen. we missed in ferguson schools that had been on probation for 15 years 15 years for a state has an accounting system that is a great accreditation of 140-point and they were getting 10 points a year. we have allowed that to happen for 15 years. we have allowed an entire generation of students to go through from kindergarten to graduation with the school of the school system that we know doesn't work. kindling. we have a police force that didn't see that its role was to protect, but saw african-americans as a matter of new generating sewers that could provide 25% of the budget,
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kindling. what all this kindling does as they started wrestling with white rage, i began to understand that what we are really looking at are the policies. as a nation we are so drawn to this circular. we are so drawn to what we can see that we miss those to whom it plates that are actually moving. white rage move subtly, almost in% of the, corrosive way through the courts, legislatures , government bureaucracies to the white house, through congress and he wreaks havoc and perceptibly so it's hard to discern what is the
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source of what you are see. and so, i set out to make way reach physical pit the first thing you've got to do is the trigger for white rage is black advancement. it is not the mere presence of black people that is the catalyst for white rage but blackness with drive, with purpose, with aspirations, with demands for full and equal citizenship. it is blackness that refuses to accept subjugation, blackness that refuses to give up after a formidable array of policy
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assault and legal maneuvering, white rage consistently punishes black resilience and black resolve. how else can we reasonably explain why government after government fought so hard to keep black children from getting an education. we saw it after the civil war. we sought out the way way through the brown decision. we see it now. why is it so difficult to educate black children? why do we have this even when at least since 1967 when the u.s. said we had a national security crisis, we must educate as many of our citizens as we can to be
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able to effectively wage the cold war. but brown was not going to get implemented. so even in the face of a national security crisis, even in the face when we say this is what our nation needs, white rage that i don't think so. why? what this nation designer warren drugs that incarcerates most, those who sell into drugs. why? were a particularly after the triumphs and the successes of the civil rights movement for the civil rights act of 1964 the voting rights act of 1965.
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why would we incarcerates communities? why would we overwhelm the state budget? why would we destabilize families? why would we do this to those that are the primary users of narcotics? why? why would state after state develop receptors to keep american citizens from being able to dodge and to have a say in their own democracy? why? when we say we value democracy, when we say this is why we fight, then why would we have such mass voter suppression? understand that none of this was
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done with the mirror on tranmere clan cross. there weren't any that just made this happen. all of this was done coolly, methodically, systematically. and so would my new book, "white rage," i traced this historical pattern with reconstruction, the great migration, the brown decision, the civil rights movement and the election of barack obama. and i also trace it through three key sectors. education, the criminal justice system and the right to vote. said i went to the >> syrups. so as you do in 1954 the u.s.
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supreme court ruled that separate but equal was unconstitutional. overturned plessy decision and says that the best integrate. jim crow was no longer the law of the land. the south rose up inside with massive resistance using this series that in fact drag this process out for a fall, long time. well, it in 1973, the court battles are still going on. in 1973 combat there was an area in san antonio called the edgewood district ended the edgewood neighborhood, it was 96% mexican-american and african-american. it was the poorest neighborhood in san antonio at the lowest median income of the lowest property standings.
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they taxed themselves at the highest rate in order to try to find their children's education. by taxing themselves at the highest rate, they've garnered $21 per capita. meanwhile, in the hyatt, a predominantly white neighborhood in san antonio taxed themselves at a much lower rate. they've garnered over $300 per student. lower rate 1500% more and funding. now what we know is that property values have a lot to do with it but policy. where governments choose to put the landfill, where they choose
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to put the highway, where they choose to sell certain types of businesses and not others have a lot to do with property value. so the parents of the edgewood district took texas to court and said this violates our children's 14 but that the rights to have equal protection under the law. it violates brown. the u.s. supreme court ruled in a 5-for decision. for the justices were appointed by richard nixon and one was appointed by eisenhower, dwight eisenhower. the quote there is no fundamental right to education in the constitution. they said that the state's funding scheme did not
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systematically discriminate against all four people and that because districts across the united states used property taxes that this method was not so rational as to be invidiously discriminatory. thurgood marshall, this is his descent and that is what i'm going to read. fully recognizing the implications of rodriguez, the name of the case. justice thurgood marshall was apt to place it. more than 40% of black children, 14 who lived with families below the poverty line as compared with about 10% of white children. under those circumstances, marshall field feared african americanism wouldn't understand. the decisions he wrote in his dissent could only be seen as a retreat from a commitment to
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equality of educational opportunities as well as an unsupportable capitulation to a system which deprived children of the chance to reach their full potential as citizens. he was simply dumbfounded that the majority would acknowledge the existence of widely disparate funding for schools across texas. but then, instead of focusing on the cause of that disparity compared to whites to all of the state suppose it efforts to close the gap. the issue, marshall explained is not whether texas is doing its best to ameliorate the worst features of a discriminatory scheme, but rather whether this scheme at south is in fact unconstitutionally discriminatory. moreover, he found at the height
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of absurdity that texas could actually argue that there was no correlation between funding and school quality. you can't make this up. and then, from a faulty premise deduced that there were no discriminatory consequences for the children of the disadvantaged district. he was equally unimpressed with texas' tendency to parade before the justice, the stories of children who had expelled despite living underresourced districts as some sort of proof that funding was irrelevant, that the child could excel even when forced to attend an underfunded school with poor physical facilities, less experienced teachers, larger classes and a number of other deficits compared to a school with substantially more fun is to the credit of the child, not the state.
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rodriguez placed solely on the backs of the most vulnerable while falling off access to the necessary resources for quality education and place beautifully into the colorblind civil rights languages substituted economic race, yet achieving similar results. the simple truth was that by virtue of the sheer demographics of poverty, rodriguez would not have only a disparate impact on african-american children, but also a vast influence. i know, sobering. and i then moved into the war on drugs because it has so warped
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american society in ways that are so profound. so i walk us through how the war on drugs emerge. i then walk us through the court cases, the supreme court decision that michelle alexander and the new jim crow so beautifully laid out. and then i began to lay out some of those consequences. as i go through the court cases, i then say, taken together, those rulings allow indeed encourage the criminal justice system to run racially about and that is exact only what happened on july 23rd, 1999 in texas. in the dead of night, local police launched a massive raid of a major trafficking ring. at least that was how it was built by the local media which after being tipped off to get
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the most humiliating photograph of 46 of the town's five residents handcraft in pajamas, underwear and uncombed bad hair, pervaded into the jail for booking. the local newspaper ran the headline. streets cleared of garbage. the editorial law enforcement were dealing scumbags. the raid was the result of an 18 month investigation by a man who would be named by texas attorney general has outstanding long man of the year. attached to the federally funded panhandle regional narcotics task force, based in amarillo about 50 miles away, tom coleman didn't lead a team of investigations. and that, he single-handedly identified each member of the massive operation and made more
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than 100 undercover drug purchases. he was held as a hero and his testimony immediately led to 36 -- 38 of the 46:00 p.m. convict did with the other two sisters waiting to get into the clog court system. joe moore, a farmer was sentenced to 99 years for selling $200 worth of to the undercover narcotics agent. kinsey white received 25 years while her husband, william cash loved landed 434 years for possessing an ounce of cocaine. the case began to unravel when his sister tanya came to travel. coleman swore that she sold him drugs to tanya how other had proof that she was at a bank in
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oklahoma city 300 miles away, cashing a check at the very moment he claimed to have bought cocaine from her. billy john wayfarer had timesheets and his boss' eyewitness testimony that he was at work and not out selling drugs. when the outstanding long man of the year swore under oath that he had purchased cocaine from your bryant, a tall bushy haired man, only two of bryant fall, appear in court. it finally became very clear that some did was awry. coleman in fact had no proof whatsoever that any of the alleged drug deal had taken place. there were no audiotapes, no
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witnesses, no other police officers present, no fingerprints but is on the backs of drugs. no record. over the span of an 18 month investigation, he never wore a wire. now he claimed to have written each drug transaction on his leg, but to have washed away the evidence when he showered. so i'd be very thinking he showered one and 18 month. additional investigation led to no collaborating proof. when they vigorously searched their homes and possessions, no drugs were found. nor were weapons. money, paraphernalia a rainy other indication at all that the housewife, farmer or anyone else arrested were actually using
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drugs. but was discovered however was judicial misconduct running rampant in the war on drugs and julia, texas, with a clear racial bias. coleman had accused 10% of the black population of dealing and cocaine raced on his word alone, 50% of all of the black man in the town were indicted, it incentives to present. randy credit growth of the william of this conflict fund for racial justice called julia and mass lynching a taking down 15% of the population like that, it is outrageous. it is like being accused of someone in indiana in the 1930s. you didn't do it, but it doesn't matter because a bus of clansmen on the jury bolstering u.s.
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anyway. but this wasn't 1930. it was the beginning of the 21st century and a powerful civil rights movement had reached those two areas. and then the last excerpt of what to read, the last chapter deals with the election of president obama and how white rage reared up in really deep, profound ways, almost in ways that we hadn't seen in years. as i walked through voter suppression and then i moved into the threats on his life and the disrespect of the office of the president, i then begin to deal with the violence. black respectability or
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appropriate behavior doesn't seem to matter. if anything, black achievement, black aspiration and black success are construed as direct threat. obama's presidency made that clear. aspirations and their achievement provide no protection. not even to the god-fearing. on june 17th, 2015, south carolinians do and root, a white unemployed 21-year-old high school dropout was on a mission to take his country back. ever since george zimmerman had bought out of the courthouse a free man after killing trayvon martin and a racially polarized nation debated the verdict, he looked to understand the history of america, trolling through the
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internet he stumbled across the council of conservative citizens, the progeny of the 1950s white citizens of that terrorist black people, closed schools and worked hand-in-hand with state governments to defy a federal civil rights law. but despite the group's avowed racist belief systems in the mid-to late 1990s as this aberrant blog report, the group boasted of having 34 members of the mrs. that the legislature and had powerful republican party allies including dan senate majority leader trent lott of mississippi. by 2004, mississippi governor haley barbour, the chair of the republican national committee and 37 other powerful politicians have now attended events in the 21st century. earl hopes the chair of the
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tracey gave $65,000 to republican campaign fund in recent years, including donation to the 2016 presidential campaigns of rand paul, rick santorum and ted cruz. then enjoyed precisely the cachet of respect ability to racism requires to achieve those goals within american society and its website of hatred and lies provided the self-serving education dylan ruth so desperately craved. he drinking the poison of its message, got into his car, drove to charleston, entered emmanuel ame church in landed in a bible study with a group of african-americans who are the very model of respect ability. ruth prayed with them, read the
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bible with them, thought they were so nice. then he shot them dead. leaving just one woman alive so that she could tell the world what he had done and why. you're taking over our country decide and he knew this to be true. not even a full month after dylan roof gunned down, republican presidential front runner donald trump fired up a maturity audience of thousands in july 2015 with the macabre promise. don't worry, we will take our country back. no, it's time instead that we take our country forward into the future. thank you.
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clap back [applause] and now i'm going to open it up for questions. but that's because c-span is filming this, that if you have a question, please go to the bank. ask, ask. thank you. is this on? we've discussed with ferguson both group either reading sunrays book group. the one question i find very helpful in a good compendium things that i kind of know but
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it's good to have it all in one place. the one concern i had was it seemed that you really detailed problems that have been under republican administrations but the eisenhower to nixon, to bush and then-president present situation under obama. he didn't talk much about but clinton's ending welfare as we know a terrific things that might happen under democratic administrations, which also had disproportionate effects on black people. >> absolutely. thank you. one of the reasons behind that is because i was looking at this moment added and spent and that most moments of advanced that, where you received the pushback column before 68 from the republicans and the democrats.
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one of the things in the piece that i did and salon just recently, i do begin to one pack just somewhat bill clinton and what he has done. the article focused in on the gop, but understand a couple of things happening here is that white rage moves through parties. it isn't just isolated lake and republicans are isolated and democrats. that is also really important to understand. so it was just the kind of looked at, but i could've easily for instead during the great depression when franklin delano roosevelt is creating a whole series of programs, one of the things that you see happening there are that southern
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democrats are saying yes, we really do need relief. we need relief. many agricultural funding and support. we need social security, but black people can't have that. you can create this whole new deal compendium of programs, but you have to exclude african-americans. crunchy piece that time. thank you. >> i really just want to thank you so much for this work. it is incredibly profound. that being said here that you cited is completely unaware of that they didn't identify the 13th amendment until 2018. >> yes, the state of mississippi finally got around to ratifying the 13th amendment, which abolished slavery and 23rd
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team. they said it was an oversight. >> you know, there's really difficult pieces in here. i want to thank you for telling the story which i had only recently learned about, but i think being a witness to her story is so important and so powerful. so i read the book for the ferguson redeems andrés book, too. it's such a great group. i learned so much. i was very diligent about reading it and i have to put it down. it was so difficult and painful. my question for you, wasn't like that rating it? it had to be so much were difficult to write it and research it. >> it was tough.
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i have been through this before in the first book, i zapped the prius. i had to deal with a lot of the lynchings that happened after the second world war and so i'm dealing with a blowtorch lynching and bair talking about his blood boiling so hard that his eyeballs popped out of his head. i am reading through this. i have been in the battle and so that is how it felt in these moments going through this. one of the things, i have been mary turner lynching is just -- it is status and it is a woman who protested because her husband was lynched and she is angry and she's eight months pregnant. and so, the lynchers, after her
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because she didn't know her place. how dare she protests that her husband was lynched. and so, they snatched her. they stripped her. they hunger upside down from the tree, doused with gasoline et cetera either. and then they saw her stomach because she's eight months pregnant. they saw her stomach quivering and said they got a nice and they sliced up by doping. the baby comes out and they stomped on the baby's head. when you are reading through those records, because one of the things that is also important to understand about the way weybridge works as we focus on the kind of violence that this system that condoned the violence that sanctions it.
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everybody knew who killed mary turner. you go through the papers says walter white, head of the naacp is the governor of georgia and he is naming the names and these were standard oil in the works at the furniture shop and nothing happened. so when you have that kind of violence that happens in a community of the powers that be are like yeah. the kind of judicial system that allow that to occur in order to keep african-americans in their place to stop that advancement.
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>> another question from what talk about a missed the boat, but what can we do? >> you are doing it. this is the thing. i studied movement. i love what i study. how do we change the norm? there are these moments. for instance, before the civil war, 80% of the nation's gnp was tied up in slavery, tag to slavery. 80% of the united states tied to slavery. but we got to the point to five indeed, hard war, but we knew that slavery was wrong, we came to know that jim crow was drawn.
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we came to know that apartheid, wrong. it comes to chase those norms. it is bit by bit. this neighbors talking to neighbors. it is mobilizing and organizing, talking, thinking, voting. displaying pressure and policy makers to make this a much more just and decent nation and world. that's how we do it by working together. >> i'm sorry. good evening, everybody. how are you doing?
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recently i was completing a job application and under the nationalities that was latin, spanish, mexican. it is african-american. is that african haitian or north african. ..
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it creates a civics lesson and not a history lesson. it creates citizen, in terms of every kind of flattened narrative about how and who the nation, by whom and who the nation was founded, who built the nation, who created the railroads, who built the cities, who in than this, who invented that. and if you go through those kind of standard textbooks, what you will find is very minimal discussion about anybody else your that it is whites who have built america, whites for sustained america, whites who created americ america. whites are america. and its veteran and our textbooks from k-12 that have
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really solidified this narrative. we do get where we are a nation of immigrants. you get that kind of throw out their but then we have the melting pot and we all become one. but not really. and so, and i think i saw a statistic that said only about 20% of americans have a bachelors degree. so that means somewhere around 80%, that this is the history they know. this is the history that they no. and you know how it is when somebody tells you something, the first story you hear is then that everything else has to be weighed against. so if the first story you here and it's the story you've heard over and over and over again,
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then trying to say hey, you know, your folks came over from poland. let me tell you a quick story. i have tons of stories. i was teaching a u.s. foreign war policy class at appropriate students up in two research teams and they were to be the president's transition team for a series of issues. so we had things like human rights and energy, the environment. and i had one on immigration. and so the team actually wrote a great policy paper on immigration. really good policy paper on immigration but i require that they sent recently to the rest of the class as part of the presidents team.
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the responses were so vitriolic, things like yeah, so my parents were immigrants but i really do think we need to build a wall. wow, wow, wow. yes? >> so you talked about that we only pay attention to the flashpoints, right? here in ferguson michael brown a shot and killed. sorry. you talked about the fact that people only pay attention to the flashpoints. here in ferguson michael brown is shot and killed, people take to the streets, the police, the politicians, the governor over react. ferguson up and suddenly it is national and international news.
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in baltimore people marched peacefully, and then no previous attention until people start looting and rioting and suddenly once again it is national and international news. so my question is, someone who is about as nonviolent as you can get, right, like how, it seems like the only thing that people pay attention to, ma the only thing that white people pay attention to is when suddenly things once again turned violent. so how do you protest peacefully and still get attention and make a difference what seems like the flashpoints are the only things that people will listen to? >> one of the reasons i wrote "white rage" is so that we begin to pay attention to the kindling, that we really understand the power of policy,
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that we begin to pay attention to our officeholders and what they are recommending doing asking that next set of questions. and i would push back just a bit on that whites only pay attention to when something blows up. because in movement, and struggles you have whites who are there on the ground who are doing that hard heavy lifting. you have asians who are on the ground doing that hard heavy lifting. as well as having latinos and having african-americans. you have people who are doing the base work, the organizing, the strategizing, the letterwriting.
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and social media has helped so much with that kind of mobilization. so you have that going on. the thing that happens then is though, is that we don't see it, but it is happening here can that is why when something jumps off mad, crazy, because that kind of organizing has already been in place, you have people and organizations that step into the breach, who helped provide policy rationale, policy options, who provide safe faces. we just don't see that heavy lifting initially, but it isn't there. and that's why we have to keep at it, keep doing it. it's not sexy. we love sexy.
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and this kind of heavy lifting is not sexy. as i documented, tried to go through just looking at what the supreme court is doing, this is why we have to pay attention to the supreme court nominees are. we have to pay really close attention, because their decisions help shape the roof of this nation. >> to follow up with this question, i think we really do pay attention, we whites, but in a different way. let's go back to charleston. one of the things i noticed which i always see when one of us want to ask appropriate as whites do, then immediate search talking about was the parents come environment? wiggle onto this, and intellectual assessment so we can keep our image contact while we never dreamed that death of
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nine of our brothers and sisters, but they are african-american so doesn't count. we judge ourselves by best example and we judge you by your worst. so there's violenc violence in t as never allowing ourselves, we call it, it's not safe. it's not uncomfortable but we mislabeled it. so the media can presents a narrative that we whites want and support from and that's violence for me. i think it is. we know flashpoint. when we are stepping a line we make sure we come back looking good. can you comment on that? [laughter] >> that was a boom. i'm dealing on a piece right now, politics and respectability. and one of the elements in the politics of respectability is how african-americans don't get
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the benefit of the doubt. but i walked through, i walked through why the politics of respectability was deployed during the civil rights movement. as a means to try to humanize african-americans to the larger american society, to the power brokers into white citizens. because there has been a series of killings, brutal, horrific killings like the lynching of quad meal in 1934, where he was dragged out of an alabama jail, saisent through a gauntlet of tortured down into florida, with was a spectacle lynching, was tortured. tortured your florida said
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there's no crying because he wasn't from here. alabama said there wasn't no crying or because he was a guilty. the naacp turned to the fbi because now have the lindbergh kidnapping law. so seeing what this kind of violence on the blackbody has done to you saw the civil rights movement deploy the politics of respectability as a way to make visible that the only way, the only reason that you were saying amelia yanked onto the concrete in selma is because she's black. this can't be anything but racism. it was a way to say you can't say -- so this is why you see
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this deployed. the politics of respectability does have some good pieces in the. i'm not one of those who just plopped it off as some kind of bourgeois victorian thing, because being sober is not a bad thing. we know that alcohol and drugs destroy families. being sober is not a bad thing your education is a good thing. but what it doesn't do is to protect black bodies from white violence. and so one of the things about charleston, charleston drove me to this. because i look at that because the nine who are killed with the models of respectability. you saw nikki haley and south
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carolina going, that was really bad, that was really bad. then you had to have their children, so you respectability, that's one. gary taylor had to be an avowed white supremacist. they had to find incontrovertible proof that he was an avowed white supremacist. so he had to have the flag, the apartheid south africa flight and he had to have the confederate flag. i'm not done yet. it was just like him and think he had of a manifesto what he said i want to start a race war. that's still not enough. then you had to have the families of the slain forgive dylann roof. wow. wow.
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and then they're going to take down the confederate flag with dignity. we see it today. what happened in orlando is our -- horrific. but the way that the killer has been become the avatar for all muslims in the world, but you didn't see the same kind of rationale being used, for instance, with timothy mcveigh, right? and so that's part of the way that these narratives work and the way that they begin to undergird policy.
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because you here as they are talking about muslims and terrorists, that they are, in fact, talking about what kind of policies to put in place. based on this, yeah. >> the story when they looked up and they saw three flags flying at half mast with you is like, half mast with a state like at the confederacy flag flew at full mast. and then it strategized and she then was going up the pole and the white male told i stood at the bottom and the order was given the order to taser. they looked at the white bank of this is my interpretation, they backed off and let her live. the only reason i think she selected is because that white men was at the base of that same, he told them to kill them.
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people don't know that store because they won't report it. >> i'm a historian. in 1946 in columbia tennessee a white shop owner smack a black woman. her son david was standing next to were. you do not lay hands on somebody's mother. that veteran picked that white van up and went, and threw him out the plate glass window. whites in the town organized to lynch the black man. the black veterans in that town were not having it, it basically called the columbia, tennessee, race riots. after it was over, 23 african-americans were arrested for murder. no whites were arrested, although as you know lots of
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shootings and killings happen. thurgood marshall came to defend a black man in columbia, tennessee. but he couldn't stay in a hotel because they were whites only hotels. after quart everyday he would have to drive, so thurgood marshall had one of his colleagues was a white van. as they're driving out of columbia, tennessee, one night after quart, he looks behind and there's a cop car behind them. they go left, the top arcos left. they go right, the cop car goes right. finally, the cop pulls them over. they're like, you need to come with us. thurgood was like, oh, snap. for good gets up, he gets in the cop car -- thurgood.
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the white male except when he realizes there are several cars behind the cop car and they don't turn radica around to go o columbia, tennessee, but instead they are heading off into the woods. thurgood marshall is getting ready to get lynched. the white man hops over into the driver's seat, turns the car on and he starts following. and he scared but he's like i'm not going to let this happen. they speed up, he speeds up, they turned right can be turned right. they turned left, he turns left. files they stop and if so what are you doing? he says, i'm not going to let you do this. now, think about the courage that it took in 1946 in the middle of tennessee, this lone
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white man standing up before the sheriff and his posse saying i'm not going to let you do this. and it was one of those moments. i'm so glad i've got some folks my age. remember those old aqua velva commercials? thanks, i needed that. it was like this bracing moment. they had never seen anything like this before. okay, fine. so there is history in this kind of solidarity. it's absolutely essential. >> what i was going to ask you about is i'm a believer that the
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problem with, i'm involved in a lot of groups, concerning racism and its overthrow or about us solving it, getting rid of it. but i think we have a problem. i think we really need to know more about really what happened and we've not been told the real truth. it may offend white caucasian friends i'm sorry, i think they need to be offended. if the truth is going to offend them, it will help them become whole. and i think actually one of the problems is that we are not really telling the truth and i'm glad that you and others providing the way your writing at a lot of things are coming up. as an example, i listen to sirius satellite radio and i hear ms. hunter, and she always talks from a historical point of
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view. she was talking about something you hit upon, the lynchings that took place. i didn't know they had lynching parties. they would roast animals and then they would bring the person into the lynched. they would not only lynch them, they would cut off their head and they might barbecue it. they wouldn't eat it. they would throw it away. so things like that. we really need to know more about, the things you brought up about, they are saying that the 49 people who were killed in orlando, the worst mass cared we've ever had, and she said no, that's not true. you look at some place in arkansas where 500, 500 blacks. >> and east st. louis, tulsa.
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>> so i said keep on writing. i wanted to ask you another question that i've been looking for some books by e. franklin frazier. i read about in in the late '50s and early '60s, great social -- i would like to know where i might retrieve some of those old books? and the books she mentioned that i don't remember the author's name, but the lynchings that took place but a lot of these books are out of print now. so be dictated help me. if you don't do it now -- >> i will do it after because there's a really good books that i use in my class unflinching because most of my students have not heard about this. one of the things that happened, any lack families there's a lynching story. you begin to think about what that means to have a lynching story in the family, how it shapes the way you move through the society, how it frames what
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you think about justice and how the system works in this society. it is staggering, and so they're several books that i use and one of them is at the hands of persons unknown. that's something like time. anyone else? okay, well, thank you so much. i really appreciated this. thank you. [applause] >> booktv recently visited capitol hill to ask members of congress what they are reading this summer. >> i hope to finish a couple books. first of all i'm reading
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"freedom's cap" which is given to the type senator bartlett. and this is a book that is about the dome of been put on the capitol building pre-civil war but what is i found especially interesting as i get into the book is a focus on house chamber and the senate chamber, and how those were added to the original capitol building. one of the main proponents of that is jefferson davis. so while we are approaching the civil war, we have a jefferson davis really helping our country, up until the capitol building which would serve our entire country, and the window later that he became the president of the confederacy. so that's a book that i'm hoping to get through. i started it and they need to finish it. i also want to read about "destiny and power," which is the book by jon meacham on
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george h. w. bush. i would like to get that done this summer. and then every summer i tried to read a book that i've read before. last summer i read "to kill a mockingbird." the summer before that i read all the king kings men, which ie of my favorite books, and this summer i'm going to reread dickens tale of two cities. >> booktv wants to know what you reading this summer. tweet us your answer @booktv or you can post it on our facebook page. >> this is a booktv on c-span2, television for serious readers. here's our primetime lineup.
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>> that all happened tonight on c-span2's booktv. >> the federal governments long mobilization of the war on crime promoters a type of social control, one that signals the target restoration marginalized americans and the subsequent creation of new industries to support the regime of control are among the central characteristics of domestic policy in the late 20th century. the decision to policymakers and officials acting and closer goals or as part of a larger coalition made at high slopes of government had been measurable
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consequences for low income americans and the nation. however, unintended, some of those choices may have been at different times and in different political moment. ultimately, the bipartisan consensus of policymakers fixated on the police in urban space and removing generations of young men and women of color to live inside prisons. we can excuse a set of actions and choices these us to act is made as a product of their time or is merely an electoral tactic but by doing so will continue to avoid confronting legacies of enslavement that still prevent the nation from fully realizing the promise of its founding principles. into recent events and outcomes of the war on crime have gone relatively unnoticed. for many americans it appeared as though this commission and with the civil rights movement and the united states had to move beyond race-based system of exploitation. alongside the growth of american law enforcement over the last 50 years, and for middle black
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middle class service and african-americans assumed positions of power with greater visibility from the rights of black mayors in the '70s to blackwell for popular consumption, the presidency of barack obama. these achievements promote discourse of cultural pathology and personal responsibility even further making it seem as though the systematic incarceration of entire groups of racial marginalized citizens reflected a natural order of things. political representation and the fact that some black americans have amassed substantial wealth and capital in historical raise ism is an equal has into which i'm sure is not news to me of you who are in this room today. african-americans grew more affluent after 1955 by the end of the to a century the net financial assets of the highest fifth of black american households were $7448, only $448 above that of the lowest fifth
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of white american households. the black middle class has always been concentrated in the public sphere and social services where mobility is tied to state spending on domestic programs. in celebrating inclusion championed african-american activists and allies in classrooms across the nation during black history month, the fact many of the critical reforms of the postwar period have been negated by national gun-control priorities remain unrecognized. nine years after the passage of the when was act, the dawn of mass incarceration, the supreme court ruled unconstitutional to deny convicted felons the right to vote. states have removed conducts or voter rolls ever since the court's 1974 decision and today nearly 6 million americans most of whom have only served the citizens are deprived of the franchise. as a result of the racial disparities in american police and criminal justice practices an estimated one out of 13 african-americans will not vote
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in the 2016 election due to a prior conviction. because of this disenfranchisement and the policies behind it, the key civil rights gains of the 1960s has come undone. to make an already questionable situation worse, the u.s. census many counts people who are incarcerated in state and federal prisons as residents of the county where they are serving time. they can then determine representation. rural areas are home to minority of u.s. population, down to the majority of prisons. north urban americans who tend to favor democrats lost were condition because about disenfranchisement works and rural district that tend to favor republicans gained actual representation because about the prison system works. meanwhile, as mobility remain stagnant, public schools and urban neighbors are more segregated today than they were before the civil rights movement.


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