tv Democracy CSPAN May 27, 2017 8:33pm-9:46pm EDT
the personalities and say everybody has $100. everyone does different things with it. it's a very difficult subject. very nicely addressed with the basic ideas are struggling between here and there so thank you very much for your book and for your talk. it's the 115th year of enlightened discussion. thank you very much. [applause] [inaudible conversations]
>> ladies and gentlemen please welcome authors condoleezza rice. [applause] [applause] >> good evening everyone. my name is john heubusch and i have the honor of being executive director of the ronald reagan presidential foundation and i want to thank all of you for coming out this evening. in honor of our men and women in uniform protect things our people around the world please stand and jeremy for the pledge of allegiance.
i pledge allegiance to the flag of the united states of america and to the republic for which it stands, one nation under god, indivisible with liberty and justice for all. please be seated. before we get started i would like to recognize just a couple of people in the audience and i know everyone here recognizes them. they have been such terrific supporters of library and that was congressman gallegly and his wife. [applause] as well we have another couple that is here with us. much of the greatness that you see here at the reagan library again also at our new institute
offices in washington d.c. were made possible through their generosity. i just wanted to point them out. that was jerry krol and his wife roslyn. [applause] i don't know that a book has ever been written that included with it instructions or an operators manual on how to best introduce the author. i wish there was but come to think of it it's not a bad idea because to introduce her simply following the instructions say like you buy a bike for your child on christmas eve. all the instructions would fit right into place and when you are finished there's not a single extra nut or bolt on the floor for the bike or praise and
flattery for the author. now, the dr. rices most recent best-selling work, part one of the operators manual, consider yourself extremely fortunate it would say. dr. rice is one of the most respected and admired women in the world with a public service record second to none. the fact that she is sitting with you prepared to discuss her newest book is like winning the power ball lottery. i have no argument with that. part two, the manual might also say someone with the stature of dr. rice agrees to see the lectern in a formal speech during her visit in favor of an opportunity to be interviewed
onstage, take it. the audience gathered before you would probably like to hear from dr. rice. i don't think i need an instruction manual to figure that out. i have been honored as have some of you to reach dr. rice at the reagan library before once when she was here with her memoir about the life and family entitled extraordinary ordinary people and once more when she had just penned dell higher honor than memoir that for years as the first woman to serve as national security adviser to the present and the first african-american woman to serve as secretary of state. her newest work in the book i think any decent instruction manual accompanied it would clearly state dr. rice had to write. it's subject matter goes far beyond her personal memoirs and
into the round of how she thinks democracy should play, can a must play a fundamental role in the lives of people around the world. when i say it's a book she had to write what i mean is this. i think that she detected some years ago that someone why wise needed to frame for the american people in freedom lovers around the globe how it is that the mock or see should be understood in the context of a very complicated and confusing world order. the first order is the case may be. from the time the united states and several of its allies set in motion the defeat of saddam hussein and iraq to the present day where american soldiers and diplomats are fighting for their lives for the rights of people around the world the fundamental question that seems to underlie our actions is this, in the interest of the united states to
support democratic institutions wherever they meet. from many other questions dr. rice answered over the years such as canned democracy prevail where it has not before? is a right for every culture? how might we gauge our benchmark its progress? how must -- how long must it be before will take hold? these questions have been the center of dr. rices world. from book has gone a very long way in answering them but before you read her most recent work was first enjoyed hearing about it from the author herself. with that, ladies and gentlemen if you would please welcome me in a conversation on stage at the reagan library with dr. dr. condoleezza rice. [applause]
>> madam secretary on behalf of our board of trustees of the reagan foundation and all of your fans that are here we just want to welcome you and know that you are at the tail end of a very long trip on the road to discuss your book and we cannot thank you enough for coming to the reagan library. >> first of all thank you for your leadership. i want to thank all of you for joining us for this conversation but i just want to say that there is no place that i would rather be than the reagan library. [applause] >> thank you. i would like to test my theory as to why he wrote this book. has this been on your mind for a long time and you thought okay
someone has to get out there and describe how democracy can flourish around the world no matter how difficult it might be? >> yes, it's been on my mind for a long time that many years ago back before that because when i think about democracy it's actually kind of a mysterious thing, that people are willing to trust these constitutions, rule of law. they are willing to go to the polls and elect people to represent them rather than going into the streets, rather than binding to family or to plan or to religion. they trust constitutions and rule of law and that's a very mysterious process. and i think as a kid, a child growing up in birmingham, alabama i was perhaps one who very early on saw something even more mysterious. i saw in segregated birmingham
alabama for you couldn't go to movies theater or a restaurant if you are black person where you were a second-class citizen, i saw black citizens feel absolutely devoted to the institutions of american democracy. i had one incident in the book that encapsulates it for me and i was six-ish years old. my uncle alto, my mother's brother had picked me up from school and it was election day. there were long lines of black people waiting to vote and i said to my on-call, well this must mean that man george wallace can't win. i knew in my own way that we probably did not want him to win. so my uncle said oh no, he said we are a minority so he is going to win. i looked at my uncle and i said then why do they bother?
my uncle said because they know that one day that vote will matter. as i went around the world secretary of state and i saw long lines of liberians or afghans or iraqis, south africans in latin america, people voting sometimes for the first time, thought to myself they know that one day they'll vote will matter. we are blessed with this extraordinary gift of democracy. in particular we are blessed with founding fathers who understood and institutional design that would protect our liberties, our right to say what we think and to worship as they pleased to be free from the secret police that night, to have the dignity that comes with having those who were going to govern you have to ask for your consent but if we were blessed with that and we believed we were endowed via our creator with those rights, it can't be
true for us and not for them. one of the marvelous legacies of the united states of america and the building in which we sit in the library in which we set one of the multiple legacies of ronald reagan was that he never forgot our obligation to speak for the voiceless. he never forgot our obligation to do the right thing and supporting those who just wanted the simple freedoms that we had and he delivered because he believed that the united states of america, america is an idea and it's an idea that is universal. so that's why i wanted to write this book. [applause] when you were secretary of state , you were in a position to
know the world's opinion of the united states and his actions. i know you are not in the office now. it's only been just over 100 days since we have had the trump administration in power. i wondered if you would speak to, has there have been any change in your mind as to how americans are viewed as we transitioned from president obama to president trump? >> i was in europe not too long after the election and the first thing i said to everyone is just settle down. [laughter] the united states of america is engaging in a little bit of the democratic experiment. [laughter] we have just elected somebody who has never been in government before, who has never even sniffed the government before
and that president is going to take some time. there's a bit of a learning curve but the one thing that you can trust is that america has institutions that are absolutely firm and absolutely concrete and will hold america in check. if you look at the president, i think he is getting used to the fact that actually it's not as easy as it looks in their, that the american presidency is not just one person. it's an institution. it's a constrained institution. i mean the founding fathers were very very terrified of executive power. as they were leaving a king they didn't want to create another one so they created a congress as a sacred and -- separate and equal branch of government. the congress will constantly remind you if you're in the executive branch but today that congress is made up of ivan and
35 people most of them who think they should be president of the united states. he has a court which he learned will challenge the president. he has a governor, 50 of them half of whom think they should be president of the united states and they have legislators. by the way he has the press as well, civil society and americans who are ungovernable. so the job of getting to be president is one thing. once you are there it is quite another so the learning curve has been steep but i think we have seen some things that really the world likes in what they see in america. i think the decision to strike the syrian airbases after the chemical weapons attack by a sobbed on his own people was a very important corrective. we had laid out a red line for five years ago. and crossed and we had done nothing.
that eroded american credibility and in that single strike the administration said this far and no further. there are some things that are intolerable and i saw something else in the way the president did that. you remember he said i couldn't sit by and watch babies choking on chemical gas. what he was really saying was as president of the united states i cannot sit by and watch babies choking on chemical gas and so i think you know there's still a lot of water to pass under the bridge and we are still learning in many, them many ways what it's like to get up and not just react every time but some very good things have happened and the one thing i will say as americans we have only one president at a time. we have to do everything we can to try to make our president
successful and that's where i stand. [applause] >> you make a point in your book and i have also heard you in speeches make some more points and when you talk about democracy it's extremely important for the united states to go beyond talking the talk but you have got to walk the walk and set the example for the rest of the world if we are going to promote that they too adhere to democracy. i'm wondering is there an instance or two not just during the trump administration but certainly going back the last decade or two where you think america really messed up and they set the run example and we could have done better and we should have known better? >> well we do it all the time,
because democracies are not perfect. america is not perfect. you know one of the saddest and hardest moments for me was abu ghraib in iraq because it was a stain on one of our greatest institutions. the fact that we have men and women who volunteer to defend us at the front lines of freedom is just an extraordinary gifts. it's an absolute gift and a few people acting badly cast a cloud on the commitment of the men and women who do the right thing. i felt terrible at that moment but i also say to people whenever something like that happens, you know when we have a riot in our streets over a police shooting or we have a katrina where we don't respond quite as well as we might, i say to people abroad that is why
america is a good example because as madison said, he said i didn't think the constitution would be the perfect work. he said it was because men are imperfect that we need it. and so imperfection is a part of the human condition. the fact that the united states has been struggling with our imperfections ever since by the way our birth the flat -- defect of slavery. we were born with an imperfection, constitution that counted my ancestors as three-fifths of a man but somehow i would take the oath of office to that same constitution as the 66th secretary of the state in oh by the way of the sworn in by a jewish woman supreme court justice and he would say to people you know we just keeps driving.
we get up everyday and we try to do a little bit better and that's what really democracy is about. it's always a work in progress and that i think is a good thing. [applause] >> turning to russia and a few other countries for the moment. we seem to have some real predicaments on our hands and to me they really do feel it has accelerated in the last 100 days from the caring relations with russia and iran admits funding of terrorist actions and north korea and access to nuclear missiles and long-range missiles is there one of those examples where you would say this one rises above all the rest and if we can't fix this we have a huge problem on our hands? >> let me say first president
trump has an outstanding security team. rex tillerson is a fine secretary of state. some of us who wanted him to become secretary of state understood that the president needed aid different kind of secretary of state. the oilmen know the world like nobody else. they have to deal with long investments in deal with difficult people. their people work and troubling circumstances. sounds like secretary of state. jim mattis is one of the best commanders of his generation. h.r. mcmaster is the same so it's an excellent team but in a national security team would struggle with the north korean problem and i think it's the single most dangerous problem that we have got. i was a secretary of state who tried to negotiate with the north koreans to get them to give up their nuclear weapons. that was kim jong-il, the father he lives in a parallel universe
but it was a bounded parallel universe that i think jr. is unhinged and i think he is living -- when he says things like i can destroy the united states, i hope he doesn't really believe that. he is also reckless. anybody who will reach into malaysia to kill his half-brother and by all reports is that rather was under chinese protection, so he is reckless. he's probably a little unhinged and they have made a lot of progress in the last several years on their nuclear programs. a usable nuclear weapon you have to have three outlets. you have to have fuel and they have been harvesting plutonium and uranium for some time. and you have to have a bomb design. when people tell you that it's easy to make a nuclear weapon it actually isn't easy to make a nuclear weapon. the bomb design has to hold material in critical mass until
the moment when you want to hit it and exploded so when you read in the newspapers that the north korean test, that they are not getting very good yield that means it's exploding prematurely but they are getting better at it. they are working at it and pretty soon they will get to the place where they can explode it when they want to. then they can affix it to the third element which is the delivery vehicle. what is worrying people is that their delivery vehicles are getting longer in range and i don't know whether president trump is being told it's one year or three years or five years. mike guess it's someplace in between three to five years. he's going to be able to marry that weapon to an intercontinental ballistic missile that can reach the united states. no president of the united states is going to let a reckless unhinged north korean leader be able to reach the united states with a nuclear weapon so what do you do about it? the only country that actually
has in salons with the north koreans is china but the chinese have always been more fearful of the collapse of the regime than of a nuclear regime, so they have refused to tighten the screws on the north koreans and they could do a lot. they could close the border. they could deny them fuel oil. the chinese could really hurt the regime. the chinese have to be convinced that they now have to do whatever it takes to stop this regime and when you hear the administration say, if you want real with the north koreans we will that's the message that they are sending. that we will is kind of ugly because if you want to look at military options you are looking at seoul which is very vulnerable and very close to the border to the demilitarized zone the north koreans could do a lot of damage, a lot of civilian
casualties very quickly in seoul so the options are not very good. it's complicated by the new president in south korea who is a man of the left who has said we have to be negotiating with the north koreans. trust me, i tried that. they walked away and we are going to have to try to find a way to protect south korea, protect japan because again no president can let the north koreans be able to reach the united states with a nuclear weapon. one good thing here, the russians that we have so many troubles with on other things at the long-range missile can reach alaska it can reach russia. this may be a place we can get cooperation with the russians. [applause] >> speaking of the russians, i have seen a lot of analysis that
putin, there is one tragedy to happen in the last 1000 years the disaggregation or dissolution of the soviet state. so crimea and georgia. what do you think he is all about? what is it that he wants? >> i have insight into this because first of all i know vladimir putin pretty well. spent a lot of time with him. he actually kind of liked me at one point because i was a russian us. they would get more attention and he told me that once. now that you are secretary of state we will get it. he was sitting there and he says condi, you know us. russia has only been great when it's been ruled by great men like peter the great and alexander the second. now every bone in your body wants to say and do you mean flat america great? you know, you are secretary of
state and that would be rude. you can't say that but that is actually who he thinks he is. he thinks he has reignited the russian people in greatness. so what if it means you take somebody's territories like crimea. so what if you make eastern ukraine basically ungovernable because the russians are backing ukrainian separatists who were killing ukrainian soldiers every day. so be it if you fly bomber runs across the coast of sweden. what has a sweet done to the russians? at least for the last 300 years they haven't done anything to the russians. he does something really dangerous. russian pilots fly awfully close to american ships and american planes and so he is going to push it until he stops. president obama did a good thing in deploying locating forces in
the baltic states and poland. that was a signal that article v of the nato treaty that an attack on one is an attack on all. i would have made that treaty permit but that's fine. rotating will do. we need to also say to putin, stop flying within 10 feet of our planes because one of your guys is going to get shot down really soon. and stop doing it. they are doing some very dangerous things and we need to send strong signals about that. now i would arm the ukrainians because people deserve the right to defend themselves. the ukrainians are not great militarily so you ought to be careful what you give them, something they can't hurt themselves with. be careful what you give them. [laughter] i do think you should arm the ukrainians.
>> the right thing to do. crimea wads russian from kathryn the great. then, in 1954, crime was given to ukraine has a symbol of ukrainian-russian friendship. but it didn't matter. my liberal russian friends say they should have given it back. but that is not the way it works. it is a violation of law. we can never support this. we need to be aware among russia it is not unpopular. it added to putin's popularity. he could be stopped but you have
to be pretty firm. >> last russia question, with putin in charge in russia, i think you, if i recall. -- he managed to systematically dismantle those institutions. with institutional design, you don't want an executive so strong because it is checked. they had a functioning legislature. he got frustrated with it, started ruling by decree and took tanks into the streets. that strong russian presidency under vladimer putin is quite another thing. there is always a sliver of hope
because even when ronald reagan said tear down that wall, i don't know if he really thought it was going to happen. authoritarian regimes are brittle. putin is right now in a position to rule because there is no organized opposition to him and he is making sure of that. but, a few weeks ago, people flooded in the streets of moscow to protest corruption. still online blogers are still protesting government actions. so there is something slightly alive underneath. another thing is the russian people are different. when i went to grad school in
1979, russians look at their feet. they never looked at you. now they travel, send their kids to study broadband -- abroad. putin is not their god. somewhere along here someone might emerge to be a vocal point for those constituents. before we get too carried away with the new liberal russia, the other potential opposition to putin could come from even the harder right because there is an even more ultra nationalist, ultra orthodox side that even putin tries to keep under control. yes, i worry about russia. it is a place that i think has great potential. but unfortunately, the institutions are just not there right now. >> on the refuge front,
president trump i think has lost now twice in his attempt to call for much better vetting for refuges coming from syria and other places. i wonder if in his policies he attempted to put in place actually survived judicial review and the they were in place do you think that would substantially improve or allow to be much to do about nothing? >> let's be frank, the first one wasn't so great. it did things like banning greencard holder which is not legal. the second one is probably the right target. there are few countries in the
world that are ungoverns spaced. yemen, libya, somalia, sudan. we don't have the ability to vet people on the ground. i think a policy that says you are going to need much more thorough vetting from those countries and iraq should have been taken off the list since they are fighting with us but we are actually going to take the time, step back for six months, eight months, a year and see what -- i think that would have made sense. we will see what happens in the court. the fact is if they want to just improve and increase the vetting, they can probably do it without an executive order. just put more department of
homeland security agents on the job. send people, if somebody wants to get a visa don't let them get it in sudan make them go to another country. there are other ways. i think we have a problem. >> he tries to capture how he feels about the united states talking about the america first policy. under that umbrella, one might put foreign aid in there. i am betting a large percentage of the audience think foreign aid is an absolute waste of our tax dollars and why we put money in foreign aid when our schools need help and bridges and roads and all that. coming from a former secretary of state, do you think there is a foreign aid argument that is
really important for the american people to grasp? >> well, for me, it is a little bit the same argument i would make about democracy and promoting democracy. you can say, we will just pay attention to our own affairs. we have to build bridges in pennsylvania so why are we building bridges in afghanistan? you can say our schools are not in great shape so why are we trying to send girls to school in nigeria? you can say all of those things. but i think there are two very powerful arguments against that kind of thinking. one is a moral argument and one is a practical argument. the moral argument is this. american is an idea. if life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness are universal than it can't be good for us and not for them. and we are at our best when we
lead from both power and principle. the principle that no man, woman or child should have to live in a direst of poverty and the worst of circumstances because we are also a compassionate nation that believes as many problems as we have we have been given extraordinary bounty. if you go to some places in the world, i don't care how bad it looks in the united states of america, it is much, much worse. the moral argument is i am christian, you know? and i have been told that what
you do for the least of my brothers you do for me and whatever your tradition is and whatever that impulse comes from for compassion america has had it and we have to keep it. that is the moshl moral case. now the practical case. democratic states that can deliver for their own people don't invade their neighbors, they don't traffic soldiers who are 10 and 11, they don't traffic in the human sex trade so women end up in brothels, they don't harbor terrorists as a matter of state policy, they don't, as democracies, don't fight each other. we know that. that is called the democratic peace. there is a reason we have believed we are better off when other people beyond our borders can live with decent governments
that try to take care of them. as foreign assistance, yes, i think there was a time when foreign aid was just given for strategic reasons. if you look at the foreign aid programs we run, the millennial challenge is a good example of this. the millennial challenge says to countries you will receive large foreign aid packages from the united states only if you are governing wisely, fighting corruption and investing in your people. if you are doing those things then we will give you foreign aid. i will give you just one example. they wanted a millennial com pact. a lot of farms in the third
world are inefficient because they were so small. they were going to do land titling but there was a law on the books that women couldn't hold land in their own name. so the united states of america said to them, if you want to see a dime of this foreign assistance you will change that law. and they changed that law. so, when you go abroad and you look at motamerica has done in aids relief or humanitarian crisis or in the kinds of programs we have run all over the world. we are the largest donor of food aid. you recognize that the most powerful country in the world also ought to be the most compassionate. it is good for us, too, because when you create responsible s soverance that act in the international system in a that
enhances prosperity we are all better off. foreign aid is a very inexpensive way to keep us from having to ultimately intervene in other more expensive ways including military force. most americans, there has been a survey out there, and americans think that foreign assistance is about 25% of the federal budget. it is less than 1.5%. and about half of that goes to the promotion of democracy andm proving the lives of people. -- improving. >> good statistic. [applause] >> i have two more questions and i would like to invite you in the audience to raise your hand when you have a question. there is evidence in the last
two decades everywhere you go people ask will you please run for the presidency. [applause] >> i know you have always said no, i won't. i just wonder if is the kind of thing now where you have reached a point in your career when you say no, you really mean it or do you not say no -- >> john, i really mean it. you have to know your dna. i admire people who run for office and i don't think the process is too tough. it should be tough. but i can remember being in election campaigns with george w bush and at the end of the day he was rearing to go and i
wanted to get back to my hotel. so i love doing public service. i will keep doing public service. i am very involved in k-12 education reform which i think is very important to our country and without that we will not be very strong. i work a lot with the boys and girls club to do work with them. [applause] >> and i am busy teaching those millennials. they are the most public-minded kids in my 30-plus years of teaching but they are also the kids who got the participation trophy for soccer. my favorite two lines are "i want to be a leader" and i say
that is not a destination or job description. so what are you going to know so someone wants you to lead. the other one is "i want my first job to be meaningful". i say your first job will not be meaningful but what will be is someone will pay you to do something for the first time in your life. that is meaningful. i have work to do at stanford. >> final question from me. what can anyone in this audience do to influence foreign affairs? you know, there is so much opinion and so much interest in, you know, the topic that
involves america's relationship with the rest of the world. i think people are frustrated with decisions we might make. is there any advice you give to someone who doesn't bother and just reads about it in the paper because they are too far away from doing anything or is there something people can get involved in. >> i think there are many things people can get involved in. you will not have an effect on what we do in syria -- affebut welic at the united states of america and the wide range of things we do across the world, much of what we deliver for the world is through volunteers and civil society. if you care about girls education, i guarantee you there is a non-governmental organization that is dealing with that problem.
if you care about the march of isl islamic extremism. if you care about what is happening to people who live in places where religious freedom is not permitted i guarantee you there are faith-based institutions that are finding a way to get bibles to people so they can practice their faith. the one thing we forget about americans is not all of democracy is published in washington d.c. much of it is practiced in civil society.
you know, in 1835, democracy in america was written and the author noted noticed voluntary associations of america. he said they get together voluntarily to do good things. he couldn't quite understand it. it is a bit of paradox. we are the most individualistic people in the world. you violate my right and we will take you all the way to the supreme court. brown vs education yesterday. we are also the most humanitarian and get together to do good things and know those voluntary associations today as the red cross, boys and girls club or rotary club. that has had an international component, too. my view is that work makes america much stronger abroad than even the things we do with
extraordinary economic wealth. there are many ways to be involved internationally. people informed is very important. in the day when social media does matter and congress has always listening to opinions, informed opinions would be nice. we are getting an awful lot of uninformed opinions. >> with that, we would like to turn to you and your audience to ask questions. why don't we ask when you raise your hand if you could wait until someone puts a microphone into it so we can hear the question and also we are on television as well. we will start right here in the middle. thank you. >> i am curious as to what your feelings are regard to the tender box that is the presence on the israeli-northern border of 100,000 missiles in
hezbollah. where does that fit in compared to say north korea and other shifts? >> right, well, look. it is a very bad situation. but it is a situation two things going forward. american deploits of -- deployments under the israel defense that protected them. both the gaza and sinai have become dangerous and you have the northern border between syria and lebanon which supplies hezbollah into the lebanon. these are tinder boxes. we were able to cut off the southern border after the 2006 war by getting syrian forces out of there and the lebanese army in. but the way we deal with that problem is we help protect the
israelis. they are very military capable. they are excellent in terms of intelligence and that is why i think you see fewer incidents in the area. the problem with north korea is we don't really have that kind of fix on the problem. >> dr. rice, thank you. i know that you are a california resident as i understand. >> i am. >> and i know you don't want to be president but how can you help out this beautiful state? [applause] >> first of all, we can't keep living beyond our means and trying to raise taxes as a way of covering up the fact we have pensions unsustainable.
at some point, californians have going to have the blow the whistle on the budget gains going on in sacramento. we have other issues in california. i think k-12 education is a disaster for poor kids. i am a major proponent of school choice for the following reason. we have an opt-out system in public education. if you are well off you will move to a district where schools are good. that is why houses are expensive in hoover, alabama, and palalto. if you are really well off you have send your kids to private school. so who is stuck in failing neighborhood schools? poor kids. a lot of them minority kids. some poor parents were
dysfuncti dysfunctional but a lot just don't have good choices. the next time i read an editorial in the washington times or washington post about how vouchers and school choice are so bad for the public school system i want to say send your school to kids outside of washington or east oakland and when you have done that you can talk about keeping poor parents from school choice. but don't send your kids to sid well friends and then say we should not have choice for poor parents. i think this is one california could lead. >> let me just say you are my hero. [applause] >> thank you. >> in a day and age where there
is so much talk about the challenges for women, the challenges for minorities, i am looking for you to help share what you think are the attributes that will help us as women and those of us increased in raising millenniplimillennia be productive and not entitled. women and leadership is important to me. i work a lot of millennials. i would take your top five . >> i was lucky to go up in segregated alabama. may parents had me believing i
cannot have a hamburger at the lunch counter but that i could be president or secretary of state or whatever i wanted. the way they did that was interesting. they have two important mantras and one was you have to be twice as good. they meant this as armor against prejudice. but i tell my students if you work hard enough to be twice as good you will be confidant and nobody will be able to throw you off. secondly they said there are no victims. they said because the minute you described yourself as a victim you have given control of your life to somebody else. you may not be able to control your circumstances but you can control your response to your circumstances. then they would say your armor is going to be a high quality education and they had several others.
my father would say somebody doesn't want to sit next to you because you are black? that doesn't matter as long as they move. [applause] >> and what he was saying was don't let somebody else's prejudice bring you down. i say to young women and minorities and also my white male students don't internalized somebody else's prejudices about you or views about you. be confidant enough in yourself. i think social media has contributed to this. i heard someone say once to a group of young people don't compare your actual life to somebody else's virtual life because they read on social media and everybody is perfect on social media. so, i think they are
internalizing this sense of kind of a grievement and i can't achieve and i can't succeed. the final thing i would say with women and leadership. we have this idea role models and mentors had to look like us. now, if i had been waiting -- your role models have to be people you admire. they were people who saw things in me that i didn't even see in myself. when you found those kinds of role models you will navigate
getting to the top of whatever color or gender you are. [applause] >> well put. during secretary clinton's term, about the second year, the state department was doing some implementing in president putin's term. that was on fox news and mnbc and then it disappeared because of the alleged hacking into dnc
and release of a very damming e-mails. what do you think about other countries nations and nation building? >> we don't interfear in people's elections. what we do is we try to help people to have free and fair elections. one thing that the united states supports is when the national endowment for democracy sends monitors to make sure the elections are proceeding freely and fairly. we speak out where we see fraudulent activities in elections. we tend to through national endowment for democracy actually train people who then can go and be candidates and so forth.
so, that is not interference. what we are doing is trying to strengthen opposition forces in places where authoritarians suppress them. in putin's place, he got really mad in 2012 because hillary clinton said his election was fraudulent. his election was fraudulent. if you were not named vladimer putin you never showed up on russian news channels, you found your offices if you were the opposition suddenly closed up.
confidence in the system. i am all for investigating what happened there. we need to know what happened. we need to be starter with our cybersecuri cybersecurity. i do think he was going after hillary clinton because he was angry for what she did in 2012. that is where i would stop in terms of motivation. i think he was right there. >> one more question up here. >> you have given us your thoughts on u.s. relations in
places like china and russia. i was wondering if you could share similar stuff on socialists governments in south america. >> yes, very good question. a lot of america is a tremendous success story. when i first started teaching at sanford, i taught a course the role of the military in politics. i always have several i could talk about. one thing i wanted to say in the book is this progression is a security prab and very hard. columbus is a place we help bring back from the verge of it being a failed state.
there are a few still hanging on and the cubans are still making trouble in latin america. but they won't last. those rejeemz i think will not la last. the place i am most worried about is venezuela. people can't find food or medicines. i think they need to say enough and arrange for that regime to be voted out of office. it will take a long time. maybe a transition of a couple
years because the liberal forces have been so depressed and suppressed by the regime. venezuela is the single most important situation in latin america. i think it will come and go but utimately those can't last. >> dr. rice, we are honored and on behalf of allous i want to say thank you for coming and you are invited back at any time.
[applause] [applause] [applause] >> chris hays talks about his book, a colony in a nation. >> it seems like ferguson is really similar and i wanted you to talk about it compared to growing up in the bronx. >> in cities you have racial friction, bad neighborhoods and good neighborhoods, and all kind of like loaded ways in which
police police communities. all of that to me was tied by the bronx and all those things that blew my mind about ferguson is it is jus 20,000 people. it is between the suburbs. you drive-thru it. it looks like anywhere. it is just strip malls and houses and shopping. and the idea what i experienced because the level of friction and evasiveness of orlanpolicin. all of that in a place that was
anonymous. something about that blew my mind. >> watch afterwards on c-span2's booktv. >> about 20 years ago, i was doing research on my first book about african-american women in the north and came across an advertisement for a runaway. an enslaved person who had run from the president's house in philadelphia may 1796. i was caught up looking through microfilm and old newspapers and this made me pause. i thought i don't know this person.
that is troubling to me. i had no idea who this phony advertisement. it never escaped me. i said i'm going to come back to this important story. many years later, it was a lengthly process in attempting to recovering the work and life of ona judge. this is recovery work. this often doesn't exist because people of color, women in
particular, often remain outside of the archives. what i will say is that there is absolutely no way i could have written this book had i not written by first book. that is my plug for graduate students and people who are doing the work of academics. i needed a grounding in order to be able to write this book about a woman who is really just absolutely magnificent. when you read this book, you will be blown away by her life. many folks here in the room and at mount vernon this is no new story. that is the se expectation. i want her name to become a household name like a fredrick
douglas, like a heriot tubman, because she runs away decades before them. the title, "never caught" was one of the first choices of the title and i presented it to people at the publishers and they hated it. they said it gives away the story and i said yeah, but so does ""12 years a slave"" we understand it is 12 years and it will end at some point. she was never thought and i think it is a distinction and one i wanted to make.
i think that is another thing i am doing with this book and that is allow us to see what the early days of the new country looks like through the eyes of the cloud. >> you write the current presidential nomination process is a hodgepodge of past reform movements, rules instituted by national and state parties, strategic behaviors of candidates, the actions of campaign professionals and con tr tributers and state and national laws. can you break it down? >> well, probably the most recent big change came in the 1970s when the democratirt