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tv   German Chancellor Angela Merkel European Leaders on Future of Europe  CSPAN  November 15, 2018 12:37pm-2:17pm EST

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and making race in the american south." on sunday at 2:00 p.m. eastern on american history tv, the history of cotton in memphis during the mid-19th century. then a visit to the national civil rights museum. watch c-span cities tour of memphis saturday at 7:00 p.m. eastern and sunday at 2:00 p.m. on american history tv on c-span 3 as we explore america. well, this week german chancellor angela merkel spoke before the european parliament on the future of europe, expressing support for real european army, defending germany's immigration policy and calling for the end of nationalism and gotism in europe. european party leaders responded in support by some like former uk independence party leader nigel farrage sized her policy.
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>> the european parliament for this very important debate with the members of the european parliament on the future of the european union. for us, it's very important to know the german position on the most important issues on the future of our union. we know the position of the european parliament, the position of the european condition but for paving the way for a better europe we need to change european union but it should be a big mistake to destroy europe. we want to be european also in the next years. european parliament wants more
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power. [ applause ] -- we are the only one -- european institution that could be elected directly by the citizens. on the budget we want to decide before the european election. we want to increase the budget from 1.1 to 1.3. we want all resoursces on immigration, the other important issue. we want to incorporate with the council, achieve good solution on that reform. it's possible to achieve an agreement before the end of this year and also if you want to achieve a good solution on immigration we need to invest
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more in africa. we need a plan for africa. we need more money in africa against climate change.teorism. against poverty, in favor of growth, not new kocolonization. but the new modern corporation for europe and africa. we need a foreign policy with a european defense, this is very important for us, very important for the future of the european uni union. thank you, chancellor, for being here and you have to floor.
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>> translator: president of the european parliament, president of the european commission jean claude juncker, ladies and gentlemen, members of the european parliaments, commissioners, ladies and gentlem gentlemen. 50 years ago walter herstein had an experiment, this was ten years before the elections to the european parliament. at that part the european community was still in its infancy. a lot of achievements such as the internal market were visionary projects, but the foundations have been laid and
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hundreds of years of wars and dictatorships for the citizens of europe were over and for the first time they had a stable and peaceful future ahead of them. today i'm here with joy but also with gratitude in front of the greatest parliament of the worl world. we have 751 members from 28 countries that represent over half a million people. approximately 7% of the world's population. in this house we feel the heart of democracy betting. carried out by 28 countries and this describes something which is important about europe, its
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diversity. this is one of the greatest strengths in europe because despite our diversity we have a commitment to unity, to compromise, despite our different origins, despite our different opinions, we are what we are doing is to come to results which are to the benefit of our community. it's a year since i last spoke to this house. in 2007, germany took over the presidency of the council. i talked about the diversity which brings us together, which does not separate us. about the peace which we have to defend, about the fact that we in europe need to breathe good air. i talked about freedom and diversity being connected in europe. i spoke about tolerance. i also mentioned the fact that
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tolerance is the soul of europe. it is an indispensable basic value for we europeans and last year we have experienced how much the world has changed and we have experienced also how the soul of europe is being affected. . the global, political, economic and technological challenge which we have to face are moving forward more and more rapidly. we have experienced a series of c crises. we have experienced international terrorism, violent armed conflicts and migration movements which have had a serious impact on us in europe and, of course, digital progress has considerably changed our life-styles. we experiencing the results of
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climate change and we are seeing our values called into question. the united kingdom is a country which is soon going to leave the europe. this is a deep wound and i think that turning now to here to michemee zell f schell -- michel for the work that he has done, we can thank him for it. dear members of the european parliament, we are recognizing that it is ever more difficult to balance development but also we are experiencing the fact that it's becoming more and more difficult to speak alone on the global stage to push our interest forward and thus it becomes more important that we stand side by side as europeans and thus the european union more than ever needs to respect beth
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the interests of its own members and of others. we need to understand that tolerance is the soul of europe. that it's an essential component of what makes us europeans and only together with you can we develop to ensure that we also take account of the interest and needs of others as well as of our own. and that brings us to the coreover european solidarity without wish we cannot be successful and this solidarity is based on tolerance and it represents our strength as european which is we can find nowhere else. there's three reasons for. this solidarity is a universal value. we have to work for each other.
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it is essential prerequisite for every operation, for families, for villages, for sports associations as well as for communities such as the european union. solidarity is a component of the european treaty. it's a central feature of our value values. it is a cornerstone of europe. it supports economic development and helps us combat youth unemployment we are faced either with terrorist attacks or other attacks on our values. we have the european crisis, the so-called umbrella which was to cover us and help us and help to solve our financial problems. we have a few examples which demonstrate ow individual countries of the european union and citizens of the european
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union are in difficulties but they do not stand alone. so we have a few examples of this. but on the other side of the coin, we have national issues which always have an impact on the community as a whole. therefore secondly solidarity is always linked to commitment of the community and the principles based on the rule of law in my country, the rights of the opposition and civil society are adversely affected if press freedom is curtailed but state based on the rule of law and the rule of law in general is not just national but for all of us throughout europe. for europe, of course, can only operate properly as a community
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which is based on law when those laws are applieapplied. if individually we try to deal with our problems then we compromise the strength and stability of our euro because our common currency can only work properly if each individual member shares the responsibil y responsibility. who actually tries to change that this which is adversely affected the entire european foreign policy and europe can only be a voice to the world if it works together and that means that solidarity always means that we have to overcome
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national egoism and i am well aware of this. i am from germany and i know this has not always been the case, for example in years befoe 2015 we took far too long to realize that the issue of refugees was an issue for the whole of europe and not just germany. and in order to understand this we have to realize this is a common european task and thirdly using solidarity for everybody means that we have to deal with our own interests with a view to others. we have to respect others, but this is not something that contradicts looking after our own interests. quite to the contrary. for example, we need to work to
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combat migration problems with third countries. this is an issue with they just brought up. we have to at the same time ensure that people on the spot have living conditions improved because it is often because of difficult conditions that they flee towards europe. now looking at climate change, this has economic and social consequences and it's crucial that we tackle this. it's useful figure if industry and threshold countries produce less greenhouse gas and our system is also important for all europeans if they develop better stabili stability. if everybody participates in protection against climate
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change, it's going to help all europeans if we tackle together those who are affected by immigration. accepting refugees by different member states on the basis of the democratic development and their own history has triggered off different reactions. solidarity means that we should do absolutely our utmost to kmiefind a common approach to tackle this and other subsequent results. work together as a community. so solidarity is a universal basic value. it is a responsibility for our community and solidarity is also in our own interests. so unity and determination are key for us. i would like to raise three
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issues which are particularly important. first of all foreign and security policies. as we europe bs we notice that we can defend our interests when we work together. only a stronger europe is going to be able to defend its values and interests worldwide. and the times we could rely on those are past us. that means we as europeans have to really take our fate into our own hands if we want to defend our community. and that means thatted in long-term we have to develop our
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foreign policy more. we need to think this through. we need to try and do without people working on their own behalf for the benefit of our citizens. i have suggested that we establish a european security con sill with changing precedent sits of the member states where decisions can be taken more rapidly. we have to create a european intervention force so that we can tackle issues immediately on the ground. we have already achieved cooperation in the military sphere that is good and we are going to continue to support this. but what we should do and this is really important if we look at the developments of the past years, we have to work on a vision of one day creating a real true european army.
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>> okay. some years ago already said that a common european army would show the world that there will never again be war in europe. i'm not saying it will be against nato. of course, not. we can be a good supplement to nato. but colleagues it would be a lot
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easier to cooperate with us if we have more than 160 different weapon systems and the u.s. has only 50 or 60. and if we had we realize that all the instances need training and pull our efforts together, we could work together with they toe with a european army. this is great. i'm annoying some people. i'm in a parliament.
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so we need the common development of armament systems within europe and this means the difficult task for the federal republic of germany because we are going to have to develop also a common exports policy. ladies and gentlemen, let's now come on to the economic issues. this is the basis of our strength and is is the prerequisite for opposition in the world. because if we're not economically strong, we're not politically strong. i'm very pleased to have looked at shawn claude's investment fund which has had a considerable over the last few years. and 500 billion euros invested. 350 are already in the pipeline. and a good program for better investment is something which is really important. we have been working on it for a
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long time. and i think we should be talking about this now the 350 million are a real contribution to improving prosperity in europe. and to a stable and a stable europe with well being for its citizens also needs a stable economy. we need to develop our policy better. we're working on a banking union, germany and france have already made statements on this. and i think that et we need to link very closely to the midterm mmf on this. we have to look at responsibility and control a banking union and then later an insurance system and this is something which is going to reduce the risks of national country governments because what
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we are looking at here is something which is two sides of the same coin. but here the european council at least germany is on board together with france is going to be able to make more progress. we have had intensive discussions over the past few days on digital taxation. you participated in that. germany is not asking whether we feel that this goes without saying, but the question is how are we going to do this. and i think what is important is to take the comments of the commission on board and to look at how in the international context we can also get international solution. but if that doesn't work, we can't wait forever we are going to have to work on it in europe
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independently. if we're honest with ourselves and if we look into the future and think about our lifestyle and well being, we have to realize that it is not the same today as it was hundred or 150 years ago that inventions always came from europe. a lot of inventions and innovations now come from asia and the united states. and then we have to put the question to ourselves as to how on our content we're going to determine the mobility of the future. we have to look at the fact that chinese companies are investing in germany. that's fine. i want to make sure that we are stronger in europe and that we want to be able to master the innovative technologies of the
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future. we have the instruments for this. we have everything before us. we have computing and we have it look at the development of artificial intelligence and this is still possible because we have a strong industrial basis in europe that we can build upon. we have to avail ousts of that and research and innovation is central focal points for our future well being. and the third area, which i should like to refer to is immigration and refugees. many hurdles and come to a common solution. but we have been successful in many areas, but the issue of immigration is something which was not yet brought europe together as i would like it to.
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this is a real core topic, an issue that reflects an issue with our neighbors. we all agree that we need a european border protection force. but perhaps we have an area with free movement and then start to working on who comes in or who comes out. then we find out that we are infringing on the principles. we have developed the proposals that are good, if everybody wants to retain the responsibility and doesn't want to give anything away, they can be as big, as good as they want to be but they. won't be able to do what they have to.
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economic development and how we can participate. they have excellent results compared to two years ago because individual member states with the commission have been working in individual member states and have achieved more than they would do individually. i think we can learn a lot from that, but this is part of the way down the road. i think, therefore, we also need to develop a common european asylum policy. if everybody takes decisions individually, then nobody can be surprised that countries from a particular country know about a certain country immediately. and then we get second.
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we have to make an effort to make sure we have for the internal market. even on issues such as right to asylum and humanitarian responsibilities, we have to deal with these issues together. we have to have a common policy. ladies and gentlemen, i've just given you three examples of many i could have come up with and the fact that i have really hit the nail on the head is demonstrated by the protest noises that it i have been hearing. i think what people want is that europe really tackles these difficult problems. these burning problems. we need to tackle the issues which are facing us. this doesn't mean that europe has to be everywhere. not every problem in europe is a european problem.
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solidarity means that europe deals with things where it is necessary and when it does so, it does that in a decisive, effective manner. i think europe gives us our best chance to lasting peace, lasting well being and a safe and secure future. in pearce at the invitation at the french presidency when we think the first world war came to an end, once again, we should think through what happens if countries don't have a respect for each other and what happens if countries and the associations, the league of nations in those days collapses.
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therefore, we should not give up our european opportunity because if we do, we shall affect not just ourselves, but the younger generation. nationalism and eatingtism should no longer have a position in europe. but tolerance and solidarity represent our common future. and colleagues, it is well, well worth fighting for them. thank you. [ applause ]
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[ applause ] [ applause ] >> translator: now i should like to call on sean claude, the president of the commission.
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>> translator: president, chancellor, dear angela, i have convinced of everything that you have said here is correct. i'm impressed by all the comments you have made. i just surprised that some people are not here to listen to what you have had to say. standing ovations, the chancellor are easy.
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>> to have discovered the same dignity of equal nations in europe. >> translator: there were a lot more commissioners here for some of the other speeches as well. >> i was very pleased to hear what you said about multilateralism. multilateralism is one of the core values of the european
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union and what you said really goes to the heart of what the commission has been proposing. and i think there was a great deal of applause today and a lot more than i got when i spoke many 2014. and i think that history will prove you're right. not everyone here as seen things loo that way, but you were right not to close the borders. there could be some more applause on that point than we
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have just heard. now on the issue of brexit, where swimming in the same water i will just repeat that we do not want to punish the united kingdom. the united kingdom -- but we have to respect the vote in the uk. >> we are not in aggressive mood when it comes to the future relations with britain. the continent has to recognize that it was playing when it came to the liberty and the freedom
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of this continent. we are waiting for that. [ applause ] i think it's a tragedy. a mistake and we have to do the best out of it. and the commission is moving into that direction. >> what was important, everything here you said was important, but i was struck by what you said about africa. africa remains not a problem.
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but it is an issue for africans. it's a great opportunity for africans and for europe. we need to work together in solidarity and friendship. the commission has made a proposal with regard to the external plan. we should be building on those proposals. i appreciate everything that people say in favor of greater solidarity, but working with africa is not charity. it is being part of a movement but not wanting to do favors for africa. we need a partnership with africa between equals africa doesn't depend on us. we also depend on africa. so for that reason, we need to do more for africa.
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so all in all, chancellor, i think the comments that you have made really go to the heart of what we need to do. perhaps there could be more support for all of the brave initiatives by the commission on immigration, on africa, on the euro reform you will be even greater than you are and et we would welcome that. >> translator: i'm now going to close the system of electronic
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voting requests. so now we're going to have the intervention of the different leaders of the political groups. >> chancellor, president, ladies and gentlemen, if i could quote the unity of europe was the dream of not have many people. it was expected for very many. now it's necessary for all of us. it was the first chancellor of germany who said this. there was a very large in your office. and he realized just how important the history of germany, history of europe is and realized that things would only go well for germany if there were these links with the neighbors. and the very pro european stance of the current chancellor, mr. smith, mr. cole on the basis of
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that we have been able to do things which were unthinkable perhaps. a lot has been achieved. i'm 46 years old so i know what i'm talking about. i'm one of the first generation on this continent that has been able to live in peace and freedom. you belong to a generation that was also able to live in peace, but for a considerable length of your time, you were locked in behind the iron current. my grandfather was part of the war generation. so the unthinkable has actually managed to be achieved thanks to the contribution. i would like to sent out heartfelt thanks to the chancellor on behalf of germany. so we're thinking in whatever has to be done today. thank you very much for stressing the fact that being proeuropean perceives the problems you're having and if you look at the that in germany, you explained what the internal
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market means and you demanded solidarity with other countries. then when it comes to the situation in ukraine, which russia changed the borders through military actions you said that the europeans have to stand together and give a firm reply and that breach of international law cannot be accepted. then in another speech, we said that it's not possible to close borders. you have to discuss these issues with the neighbors. and in order to come over problems on the basis of partnership, this is what you always praech and i'd like to say thank you for that. but obviously we're facing many challenges. perhaps i could say something when it comes to the method, not necessarily the content. in europe, we need to have a new will to assume responsibility. if you look at the council of ministers, we know the ministers
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were always vote in favor, vr high rate of 90% when they get back home. i think we have to stop this game of blame. for example, in spain, they don't know any antieuropean kind of movement. that is is because during the times of crisis the prime minister at the time didn't point the finger at brussels. he said the we have to take responsibility for our country. we have to do our homework. so we really have to stop pointing the finger, shoving the responsibility on brussels when things go wrong in our countries. we have to recognize success stories. we have had very many people standing at the podium who talked about the success stories in their own countries in terms of the economy. european union is on that path as well. we have to express the initiatives. it's thanks to these these
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initiatives we are being successful. but we have to get. the people of europe behind us. if we're talking about methodology, then i think brexit that this whole argument i want to have my sovereignty back it works. it's a very fruitful. we do need a new approach. we have to take a look at this and build a bridge between the decision making process and the people. it's not only a question of having the german access, but we have to work together. and this represents the european political map. it's theresa from greece. we have the in france. we have all the political parties that is is represented here. when we take decisions and we discuss issues in the heart of european democracy, it has to have consequence. only a few months ago we were
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talking about various issues. we know negotiations are going to be difficult in the future. we have to show decisiveness across parties that we have an important chamber, but we don't have the right initiative. i have been appointed object behalf of the political group. if i were to become president of the commission, i would want to ensure that there's indirect initiative of the parliament. so they do get the right of initiative and has its say. honorable members, ladies and gentlemen, as a final point, europe needs ambition.
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i grew up in the 1990s. and he said we will do away with the deutsche mark and introduce the euro, which wasn't popular at the time, but he went ahead with this because he believes in the future. he thought several decades ahead of his time and i'm grateful to that. and also for the common security policy. if we follow the path, if we also move away from unanimity to quaff qualified majority then the european union will not only become a political giant, we'll be able to turn the union into -- sorry, i correct myself. not only an economic giant, but a political giant and in order to be able to properly represent our values. so thank you very much. and thank you for everything you have done under your chancellorship.
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>> the group now the flaw is here. >> chancellor, welcome. also from the social democrat group here in the parliament. the house of european democracy, i'd like to ask a colleagues for understanding that when the chancellor is is here to speak to us, i want to spend a moment talking about germany before we move on. it was very impressive to see what happened in the past few days with how much dignity we paid tribute to the victims of the first world war in germany, in france, in belgium, all of the locations wehere people see the traces of these tragic war.
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and i'd just like to add one point. in germany we're also thinking about the brave men and women that 100 years ago went against an order of the uprising of naval forces who refused to enter the battles and led to the end of the first world war an important point of democracy. one that we can be very proud of and perhaps don't focus on enough. the revolution in 1880 the speeches by 1933. and spoke out against hitler and the 17th of july in '53 and also
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the peaceful resolution in 1989, which was a milestone in your own personal life. and what i want to say as germans, we have to be aware of how closely our history is entwined with european history. and there's one thing we should pay particular attention to. we cannot fail and enginegerman i say this as a german social democrat do not have the right to fail on europe. much less than the obligation is even greater on us than any other country given our history. and that's why any hesitation or
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lack of courage can take us down the road. perhaps i could just give an example so that you see exactly what i mean, chancellor. no one here has any doubts about your conviction of the importance of europe. but i think that german expectations are even greater. make sure that you use your voice to strengthen b europe. that's the expectation of europeans and germany. it's true in economic and political terms. and it's very much part of the debate that we're having of europe. let me just recall something that happened just recently. a president from your family that in order to overcome the economic crisis, we have to have common initiatives and what what happened under pressure from you and we have had a lot of debates
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a bt why the outcomes were not positive in a lot of respect because there was no democratic control. there was no control by the parliament. and that is something we certainly must change. and i would like us to draw two consequences as quickly as possible. i would like to ask for your sport on this. the community method needs to be strong only when t voice would we be successful in the future. then secondly, we have a coalition agreement in berlin because we want europe to be strong and we need to ensure that this is implemented. that's for the european monetary fund and also germany needs to make progress on climate protection and in social policy
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for instance in the framework for et decent working commissions. we need to make sure it's not blocked, but that we can make europe's position on precarious work very clear. ask in recent days, we don't know exactly what the epp is in favor of. is it the epp of the commission president. i think this is going to be a problem, or is it the political speeches or is it the epp of president the president, who is currently turning his back on o the migration pact of the united nations, what i think is
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scandalous. and having an impact on the border or is it the party of mr. orrbin. speaking out against what are the principles of this party. what is marry political discourse we should invest all efforts to move forward a fair europe, a solidarity in which everyone has opportunities and the men and women in my group, europe is not just a place on the map. it's a question of our convictions. it's tolerance and i'd like to thank you and wish us all the best for work because there's a
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great deal of work to be done. [ applause ] >> on behalf of the conservatives and reformist group, they have the floor. >> it's a privilege for us to have you here. you're certainly one of those politicians that has had influence on what has been going on in europe and not only of very important nation put also a remarkable personality. it's the exceptional status i'm taking the liberty of concerns that i have about the european union. you are a very powerful perp. you make the basic decisions in
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europe. you in line for top positions in the eu. you want to do something that your government does not like. like stopping the stream or curbing. there are always obstacles popping up. even if they can do something about it, it's ignored by your government. because your government can afford to ignore it. and this power spills over when i talk to some of my german colleagues here, i usually hear them sermonizing. i would say i hear them pontificating from the position of heavy weight moral champions,
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which they consider themselves to be. so all this is true, but in real terms, i think your political family is playing second fiddle in european politics. interesting as your speech was, i cannot resist the feeling that 95% of what you said could have been said by a martin. being seconded by the european people. the truth is, madame chancellor, that the european union has been hijacked by the left, which
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impose some of its ideology, its political agenda, even its language. we just hear the socialists and of the pp. if it you cut out two or three sentences of what was said, they could have exchanged the speeches and not have seen the difference. and being the chairman of the socialists, and it would have made the slightest difference either. i would say more. i can imagine him taking both
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positions. it wouldn't make difference. perhaps the only difference being more insults flying around. but so much for diversity. the immigration crisis, which costs you so dearly, madame chancellor, is just a tip of the iceberg. i will not be telling you about tradition of german christian democracy. you know more about it than i do. but what happened to it? where has it operated? in your office is not enough. where is your christian vision of what europe should look like. why is it that you and your
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political family pass you haive observe as it's been turning into a political bulldozer of social engineering this creeping centralization, the so-called heart monoizations through the back-door, more ask more obscure structure, the more big. institution you make, the more structures become obscure. it's elementary truth about politics. everyone knows about it. the abysmal arrogance of the eu official. the awful ideology oozing from every document written in a horrible new institution, chronic violation of the treaties or the leading us to a future of europe. but this radiant -- could i
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please continue? thank you. but this radiant future is left wing fantasy. i do not want to lend the fantasy. and i'm sure you do not want to live there either. even b if it is ruled by heavy weight moral champions. >> they criticized us because from time to time we have the same pro european opinion. while i'm proud on this pro european majority that exists in this house. you have spoken six minutes and
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i don't know even what your position is in the meanwhile in those six minutes. the only thing i that know is that you're against europe. but that was not new. that's every time when you interfere. chancellor, the last time in europe a university was closed that happened 75 years ago, that was in november 1943, that happened in northway, where university was closed and officially because a part of the building was burned. but reality was that the nazi authorities will determine to suppress the continuous calls for autonomy and for academic tropical storm by. the authorities of the university. that happened 75 years ago. i'll tell you this story because within two weeks time from.
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now and that will be on the first of december, the same to happen in our own european union. this time in pooud miss, the central university will be forced to close its doors and everybody knows why. it's a part of a personal crusade even full of anti-semitism of a man, when will you and your colleagues in the council put an end to such shameful and scanned can louse behavior in the european union. and i ask you this question not
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to make it difficult to you, but i ask you this question because i firmly believe that more than migration and that's an important issue, more than the next financial crisis, more even than that this threat from within jurnd mines the european union. we got a fatal deficient in the past between north and south during the euro crisis. because already this brexit that still is a wound and we risk now even a more devastating split between the east and the west. in fact a little bit going back to the island curtain and the berlin wall. i want now to come to the role of jeermny in the european union because it's about the future we talk. that since the fall of the berlin wall and reunification of germany, we have made progress.
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but not so much more. because since the reunit figification of germany, it's true it became the most powerful member state of the union, most powerful in population, most powerful in economic wealth, but with more economic power comes also more responsibility. and certainly european responsibility. and precisely there i think that since 1990 germany hasn't always assumed fully this big responsibility. if i may say so. in a certain way, i understand what happened. as the country was preoccupied with something so historic and something so emotional as the reunification of the country, the sbe gags of a bankrupt state and that was an et nnormous endeavor. by doing so, all the energy, all
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the efforts went into this gigantic task. but by doing so and is that's my message that i want to give. the more traditional, the more post war german ambition so typical f typical to build a union on this continent lost traction. lost energy. the debate in europe if i may say so, and it is not a criticism. it's a fact narrowed far too much to a discussion about competence. i searched many of the discussions with your predecessor. or that was a debate in germany. so two weeks ago, two weeks ago,
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chancellor you announced that after this mandate, you will quit politics. but let me encourage you to use, nevertheless, the coming months and the coming years. and why to do and to put germany back on track, i think, to this union. i think your intervention of today is certainly a step in that direction. we need a leap forward with europe. we need the relaunch of the project so that we can phase the challenges of the world of tomorrow. and it will be in which in a certain way we will be on our own. facing the chinese, facing the indians, facing the russians and sometimes the americans when it comes to trade in their war.
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off chns to make a leap forward. because there is a president of the french republic. we saw it's convinced to be european. not in the traditional french approach. you know what the french approach is. not in that way. he outlined in his speech a european project and my message to you, to both of you is is to embrace this vision, join forces, revive the european dream as mirrored in that emotional image of both of you, of three or four days ago, holding each other in a tender but powerful embrace. i know it's time. you showed that the whole world are going to wait for the last
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race. you showed there for the whole world how beautiful or so this common european project is. and i wish you a lot of success in this. >> translator: could i please call on speakers to respect the allocated time because if the first spokesperson for a group speaks at too much length there won't be so much time for the other representative of the group. >> thank you. and thank you for coming to strastberg and making time to participate in this debate in the future of europe. i would like to pick up on where was left off because i'd like to recall what a huge gesture of reconciliation you have demonstrated in recent days. you have recall ed that we had
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the arm cyst in 1918 and that we put an end to one of the gre greatest catastrophes. with the european union is the greatest peace process and we have brought down walls across europe unifying people achieving freedom and democracy and we got rid of the thoughts that captured the past. and for us, this is very much close to our heart. we want a unified europe, a europe that is one for all of us where we can constructively build our future. we want one that protects human rights that has the rule of law and that defends all of thaez things adequately. we have to stand up against the enemies of democracy. and of nationalism. we want the to it make sure people had things for the future. we want a europe that makes sure that the tech giants adjust as
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others and we want to stick up for peace in the world. it keeps stepping on the brake. what about the climate crisis. this is raps the greatest crisis of our times. and the world climate summit has brought this to our attention once again in a few week's time. we have a duty to make this point, but the objectives that we have in place are not going to be sufficient. there are two things we have to do. we have to bring in a minimum,
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some member states are wondering what they could do that together. i wonder whether germany, the federal republic of germany will agree to that. we need to reduce the fleet missions, but unfortunately, the ambitious goals have been buried because of the germans and the climate isn't going to be saved by vague pictures of statements. they need to stop hitting the brakes on climate policy. this is a real catastrophe for europe, tr our island states and the whole planet. and germany is not the only country in the eu that is having a problem face iing the reality the climate, but it is the biggest one and it has the farthest reaching consequences. the fact that germany keeps
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violating environmental legislation just underscores that problem. protecting the climate with new energy will also help towards the goal of energy independent. a gas pipeline from russia to germany will make us dependent on fossil fuels and will also damage prospect in the ukraine and will benefit putin. >> translator: one further example, we know now that the eurozone isn't a staple as it should be. we have known that for eight years. we have half a banking union and a stability pact and a little bit of an investment fund. it could grow bigger. but it's not enough. we have seen cuts in social expebd jury. this isn't going to lead to a strengthening, but a splitting of europe. this house has said what needs to be done. the commission president has made proposals and the french president to you don't have to like all of them.
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but simply sticking your head in the sand and hoping things will sort themselves out is actually a failure to face responsibilities. why not get together with mr. macroan and the other colleagues and come up with a proposal for the eurozone. why does jury roomny not speak out. it's something that affects the whole union. then tax justice, once again, the german government is blocking with the netherlands, austria and others who support and have a tax haven remaining in the eu blocking this and making it possible for people to exploit tax loopholes with 70 billion euros a year evading the treasuries and we have to stop blocking progress. so when we need to stick up for a stable eurozone and protection of the lclimate and tax fairnes.
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if the big. st state is hitting the brake, we're not making progress. we need somebody to speak up for europe. you said it would be worthwhile europe making an effort and if so, then you need to act now otherwise you would not be true to your word. you need people to move forward. we need practical examples ask we theed to be bold. thank you. >> con federal group. >> translator: thank you, mr. president, madame chancellor. 100 years after the end of the first world war and more than 60 years after the is signature of the treaties of rome, which we secelebrated last year, the process of european integration ought to be more far advanced
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than it is. we should have overcome this national sentiment and selfishness and this should be a thing past. bloodshed. i am not sure this goes so much without saying now, when we need to talk about breathing new life into the european dream, i say yes, but please, in such a way that that dream does not become a nightmare. and i want to return to some of the points that -- i would like to stress on behalf of my group, because we see, we have somewhat different than what you have described. chancellor, you know that we talk about resurrection out of the ruin, turn to the future, our motto should be never again war, we should be creating peace with fewer weapons. we should be forging our plow
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shares, this means we should be opposed to any kind of rearmament, any kind of arms race at any time, and your 13 years of chancellor of germany, i'm afraid i have to ask you, what have you done in order to ensure that german and european arms exports do not export to areas in conflict? and doubt, it is always the interest of the arms businesses, that take precedent over the need it to protect peace and human rights. and i will also disagree with you another point, and say clearly, please don't follow macron down the road to an european army, to a military union. bear in mind that some other eu countries sit with their finger more happy on the trigger than germany should ever be happy
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with. we have strong peace movements in germany, in europe, through the green, the left, the social democrats have worked hard, to maintain our special attitude towards nonmilitary policy, and we have to protect that. we need to do everything that we can to stop the super powers tearing up arms agreements. nonproliferation agreements. we need to ensure that no european weapons are delivered to conflict areas. and we call on you finally to allow the social union to -- then it is possible that the far-reaching consequences will happen, not just brexit, and i
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don't want to see that, as chancellor for the climate, you have an important role to play. this is a question of minimum standards, minimum ecological standard, we call on you to overcome the deadlock in the council, all of things that have been said about that are very important. and can i also point out that we expect that the federal government, when it comes to the country by country reporting, should play a different role. it is a question of stopping tax evasion, tax fraud, stopping big multinationals avoiding tax all together so that we can use that money for things that are desperately needed. we have talked about the community method. which involves the parliament. but that has been replaced by the inter-governmental method. and that is partly due to you, and so we call on you to reverse that. please, do what you can to ensure that the european parliament can share responsibility for these important tasks, that not
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everything should depend on what agreements can be struck between two member states, one of whom is perhaps dependent on the other. that doesn't strengthen democracy. and that doesn't strengthen trust. as regards to the way we treated greece, there is no excuse for that, madam, and even if we both show perhaps play a role in all of this, you allowed yourself to be misled, taken off to the right path, with regard to greece. the austerity, policy, the dictates of cuts, that was following the advice, the results were erosion of social standards, and fundamental rights in greece, and that led to an enormous loss of confidence in europe, as a result. so please, correct that. we need to put an end to any kind of austerity policies. and with a view to italy, i can only recommend this.
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yes, there was a proposal from the bundest bank to force the rich to pay off italy's debts. that's good. that's redistribution from the rich to the poor. let's implement that everywhere and then we don't have to ask ourselves if that is possible under the treaty ort compact. that would give us a good basis to make funds available for education, for social progress, for more of the things that we need. and on refugees, you won a great deal of recognition worldwide for the position that you took on keeping the borders open. but then why are you closing your eyes to people drowning on a daily basis in the mediterranean? you also need to be committed to ensuring that we have legal means of migration, so that we can offer solidarity, that we as a european union can actually put in practice the values that we preach.
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thank you. >> the europe of freedom and direct democracy group, mr. farage. >> mrs. merkel, many of my euro skeptic colleagues have been billing you as a while but they shouldn't be in a way, because the british should be cheering you, and without you we would never made it over the line with brexit. i want to thank you very much for that. and many of the euro skeptic groups on the right and left will come back here after the next european elections in huge numbers directly as a result of your immigration and asylum policy. your weakened coat led to a huge migrant tide, indeed a stampede that came across the mediterranean. young men coming from very different cultures, who were not going to integrate. young men none of whom would have qualified as being genuine refugees, and i think in many ways, we looked to the referendum and we said we don't want to be a part of an increasingly german dominated
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european union, and we certainly don't want to pay the price for mrs. merkel's errors. and i believe having heard you today, and listening to senior french politicians over the last couple of days, that as for us leaving the european union is now indeed a liberation. it is a european union that which hold is now to become an empire. a militarized european union. an undemocratic european union. a european union that seeks to continually expand to the east. a european union that has launched a new cold war against the united states of america. a european union that tries to re-write history. and i think 100 years on from the armistice, we should begin winly worried. the idea that this -- genuinely worried. the idea that this new militarized union is somehow a recipe for peace, i suggest you will sit back and think back a little bit more carefully.
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maybe you should all re-read history. the european project was set up to stop german domination. what you've seen today is a naked takeover bid. so i think brexit becomes a necessity after this. and for the rest of the country, mrs. merkel, you've had a long successful career, but your political decision to open up the doors unconditionally is the worst decision we've seen in post war politics in europe. is it not time for you at last to admit that you were wrong, is it not time for you to say to german communities, and many others, i'm sorry for what i've done to you and the problems i've inflicted upon you, for many decades to come. >> the europe of nations and
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freedom group, mr. pretzell. >> translator: chancellor, president, colleagues, i think we unified by many things here, but we seem to be separated also. we are home to a family, a family which is characterized by a successful economic model, and scientific model. and chancellor, you are the past of europe and you are saying also, seeing here today and rather strange to tell us something about the future, because this isn't an empire, this is a union of nation-states. we've had a misuse of the economic criteria. we've had the bank problems. we've had all sorts of issues. and in order to, that you have had a rather naive and chi child-like morality about economic responsibility that has to be taken.
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germany policy has characterized european traffic and trust policy, with its coal policy and nuclear policy and been rather naive about saving resources, the german government policy has christian identity at its best, and the removal from the children from the parent, removing them from the classic role of parents, to bring up their own children, and you, in order, have been rather naive in violating the christian principle of family and the laws of nature. german government policy has faced up to and tolerated a huge migratory flow, and it started off with one thing but ended up with a loss of control, a loss of control of the state systems, the social security system, the
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social system, and the population, and you've been rather naive in your morality when it comes to the cohesion within society and the ability of europe to deal with this. every person has to act in a moral way. many people have done it. many german europeans have done so. and of europeans as well, in saving resources. but if you don't demonstrate tolerance to living outside of the crescent family, when people are being protected, when they're fleeing, that's all very well and good, but if you have a state which does not, which says that any way of living together is a family, that provides support for that, then this is crazy thinking, and it pretty much allows everything, and at the end of the day, nothing.
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and if europe isn't to full apart and is to be a model for success, then economic and social policy must not be planned on the back of this, we need to think in, we need to think about the home, and not have it dictated by ex tendtern borders and christian underpinnings to be at the base of it. we need to take responsible for our identity, christian identity and science. your heritage, what you leave behind is the destruction of institutions. there are two unions in germany which, in a bad way, it will be up to others to put them back together. now you're saying nice things, but i can put it to you that you
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will once again be free and conservative. thank you very much. >> mr. zone on behalf of the detachment. >> thank you very much, mr. president. chancellor, i have to apologize. i didn't prepare a speech. i only requested speaking time, because otherwise, it would have been given to udo from the npd. just a minute. let me speak. and i despise nonserious as more parties represent less than 1%, so i haven't got much to same the last time we saw you, was when we took leave of heldmutt coal, now we say good-bye to you, i have to say to you, that you seemed nicer and nicer, when i, well, the more i look at the cdu, people have been nice to me
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and please give us back our country, nice and clean, well swept. you can go now. thank you very much. >> order. >> translator: sir, for first responses, chancellor merkel. >> translator: >> mr. president, let me start by expressing thanks to colleagues who have expressed their views. and replied to my speech. to jean claude and others who mentioned the topic of great britain, let me say, it took me, as i see it, i think it is extremely important, the spirit in which we deal with the
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leaving of great britain, and accept it and determine it, we accept, i accept the decision of the people of great britain. it must be respected. and mr. bonier and jean claude ought to be thanked because i think the spirit in which we are thinking about this will decide for decades the way in which we will be able to have a partnership, and the u.k. has shown via theresa may that she, that they wish to be part of europe, it will come down to having shares of cooperation, areas where we can cooperate, and that is exactly what we want to do. i'm saying that certainly as far as the german government is concerned. now, let me pick up some of the topics that were mentioned. one topic which i think this is sort of important is the fact that germany is a country with
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80 million citizens, and is economically strong, and perhaps we have to be a little bit more careful than others when we represent our own interests. but we do have interests. and we do not agree with everybody always. and neither do you with us. let me point out that there is about 90 cases per the european code of justice, and we have accepted all of the judgment, even the ones that didn't suit us, and we know that there are differences of opinion. my friends in the epp are of a different opinion than i am on northstream. i think when it comes to what we do about climate change, we will be using more gas and in a country such as germany, that is not going to have nuclear power at all in some years time, and
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is concentrating on renewable energy for the future, and is making a very considerable contribution to protecting the climate in that way, but that we know at the same time, if we're going to leave coal behind, we are going to use gas for a bridging period, and the gas imports need to be diversified, but we won't exclude russia as a source, and i'm very keen to ensure that ukraine, as a transit company to come, but whether it comes via ukraine or northstream or southstream, these are russian gas molecules and europe won't be able to be independent of russian gas, needs to diversify its sources, so germany is going to be building an lng terminal so we will be able to deal with other possibilities for gas imports if some of the others dry up, but we are going to be getting out of nuclear, we are going to be
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stopping coal, we do need renewal energy, but also a part of that needs to be gas. for a period. secondly, the community method and the inter-governmental method, these have been mentioned. i would like to say that the community method, as far as germany is concerned, has always been strengthened and will always be strengthened but in the european council at the moment, we're in a situation where it is almost a matter that the european treaties can never, ever be changed. let me be frank with you. that if you are going to align yourself with that thinking, then europe is going to become skr sclerotic. we are a community that faces new challenges and must be able to react to them and therefore must be able to face the future with treaties that can be changed. and i certainly do not accept and cannot understand that you would have a matter that you would never change the treaties. but if you wish to act in a
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european way, and the treaties don't give you the power to it do that, and i've always said that the esn needs to in the euro zone protocol, it is not bound to germany, we could do that tomorrow, but it is not very easy to get to majority in the european council for that. and if we can't do that, then as a pre-stage to being able to act jointly, we need to inter-governmental approach, and it would have been far worse in the currency union if we had not had that. so the one does not exclude the other. and i am pleading, expressly, ha we don't take treaty change as an end to itself but we do not exclude it, and saying we will never, ever change our own constitutions back home, because were we to do that, then this be would a dereliction of our duties as a nation-state. that brings me on to the point that was mentioned by quite a few group, and would appear to be mutually exchangeable. you know, as well as i do, that
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this is the case, but if you've got a constitution or a basic law, as we do in germany, then you have to have two-thirds majority for it to be adopted. and nevertheless, whenever you set about legislating on the basis of it, you get disputes. and if it is to do with the basis of the european union and we're fortunately in this house, there is a large group which agrees on the basic, the foundations, that's what you need, and then you can get into intent to debate about how you put the basic principles together, but whenever we talk about those principles, there is fortunately always a majority. now, what role is to be played by germany? you want us to do two things and one at the same time. you want us to be visionary and lead the way with france, for example.
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but of course, that also guaranteed that the vision is close to reality. so that the european council with 28, and future 27, will adopt things unanimously. now that is a tension between vision and feasibility between member-states. and that must not be a growing gulf. at some point, you have to enter into the realm of reality and achieve ability. and maybe when it comes to the setting of objectives, i may be somewhat reticent, but then there are people back home that want us to ensure that what we say is ultimately what we implement, and it is out of respect for the individual member states, when weighing up what is to be done, i have to think about the possible, trying to factor all of that into my thinking. otherwise, visions and my own
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conceptlization, and i have been talking a moment ago about changing treaty and that could be a vision, and the reality is a growing gulf, and as far as i'm concerned, germany has always played a role in bridging that, having ambitious goals but at the same time making sure that there is respect for others who do not always wish to pursue the same things, and that is also part of what this eu is. a word now on migration. i have also got a limited speaking time, so let me move on to that. migration. now, we are all proud of our values. this is what europe has been founded upon. article i of our basic law in germany talks about the in alien able nature of human dignity. but on our doorstep there is a terrible civil war and there is a huge challenge facing us. with is and islam, is terror.
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we supported -- with weapons to avoid a genocide. and we decided that we would support them. and i think that was the right decision. even if it was not an easy decision to make. and i will continue by saying this. we have a close migration partnership that has been establish the with niger, one of the poorest countries in the world, there are terrorists coming in because of the failure of the international community in libba, they are armed with weapons, terrorists in boko haram, from nigeria, as well, and the president of niger, we say, we could imagine training him, we could imagine doing some expansion, but when it is questions when it is arming them to fight the terrorist, germany is not a part of that, and the world bank is not part of it and
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we in the european development aid community have all stuck our heads in the sand. we don't get anywhere with. that and i think it is always better that african soldiers be prepared to fight their own terrorists and we support them, but that's the way it has to be done. and i say, our french friends will deal with that. that's not just honest. further in migration, there has been a civil war. there is still a civil war in syria. this terrorist islam, and we've got 6 million refugees, from syria and iraq, and maybe six or seven million people in lebanon, have been taken in by lebanon and jordan. and we said at the start of the legislature, and i think i got this wrong, we didn't pay sufficient attention to people,
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having at least one dollar for eating and some form of education in these refugee camps, and the refugees came to us, because they needed to save their lives, and now the whole of europe, 500 million people, have said in the face of the 6 million sooyriaens and iraq, we have taken 1.15 million, and we have helped them in a very dramatic situation, where many europeans were helped in similar ways in previous times. do you really think that that is something which has put us in a position of being unable to act? obviously, we must ensure that where you've got illegal migration, people spending all of their money on traffickers, that we don't end up there. this is where we entered into the agreement with turkey. this has been much criticized.
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it was precisely to try to turn illegal migration into legal migration and the onhcr has said to the people that we should be helping, that was our common goal, but we were not adequately prepared and we had to learn from that so we founded frontac we have the sophia project, we have the partnership with africa, we built up the coast guard of libya, in pelamo, there is a libya conference, and my only desire is that we would have a uniform libya policy in europe, so that the people don't get two different stories being told to them. but there, where we have not been sufficiently committed, we can actually learn from the past, and i think now, we need to look up, say weave area learned from our mistake -- we've learned from our mistakes, we will do it differently. and this partnership with africa is precisely part of that. let me round off with climate
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protection. i just said a little about gas. we've got very ambitious climate objectives. and we will be trying to attain those objectives. and in 2030, we really do need to make sure that we've attained those goals, we've got the climate legislation in place as mrs. keller well knows. let me say that it was, in the g-20, under the presidency of germany, who tackles the tax avoidance, tried to put together a perhaps international agreement, and this is precisely now what is being implemented, and i think germany has paid a very important contribution to bring that about. and live later today, a hearing looking into i.t problems at the v.a., held by a house veterans affairs subcommittee, live starting at 4:00 p.m. eastern. we will have that over on c-span.

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