this. there are certain ways in which our elected officials, we expect a kind of share some common agreement, they have these important roles to play that should rise above their policy differences. announcer: watch sunday night at 8:00 p.m. eastern on c-span's q&a. next, a book tv exclusive. our cities tour visits chapel hill, north carolina to learn more about its unique history and literary life. for 90 years now, we have trouble to u.s. cities bringing the book scene to our viewers. you can watch more of our visits at c-span.org/citiestour. >> four seconds to play. carolina is going to win. this one is even sweeter, baby. >> i would say sports are very important to usc. probablyespect, we are

a big-time college sport university, but even more so, because we have had such great success with arithmetic steams over the years and it's an ingrained tradition of winning and computing -- competing in four championships and different sports. it's been a culture for many years. hadave all on this campus the myth of dean smith as the master of doing athletic rights, and we all convince ourselves that a scandal of this kind could not happen at unc. mayscandal started in of 2010, and it seemed that it was largely going to be confined to so-called impermissible benefits because some of our star football players were kind of overheard talking about,

overheard on twitter that is, talking about benefits that they had been given. the impermissible benefit clause, i suppose, in the ncaa rulebook, it specifies that athletes are not permitted against the impermissible. they are not permitted to accept anything of value, really, related to their status as an athlete. fan, a would be coach is not permitted to give you anything of value the on what is specified in the ncaa constitution. that is the number of dollars to eat per month and a certain number of dollars for your books, etc., etc.. everything beyond that is impermissible and will get you in trouble. and so the ncaa opened an investigation of that. asked for unc to cooperate in

the investigation. by the end of the summer of 2010, it was clear there were also academic violations that were included in this initial investigation. i would say though, that it was not really until the summer of 2011 that the scope of the ugliness really came to light and came to -- it reared its head. we begin to see how bad things evidently were. and this was in large part because there was one player, one football player who had been suspended from the team in the fall of 2010 who was trying to get his eligibility back. and he was doing the ncaa to get his eligibility back on the grounds that on the court, to which some of his work had been referred, that he committed only minor violations. unfortunately for him however, in the course of filing this

lawsuit, he submitted a lot of paperwork to the durham county superior court, including the paper itself. fans, once the people are wound up online, did their own investigation and found it was heavily plagiarized. no one had noticed this before or caught this, including the honor core, and putting the aflutter director, the chancellor. when it eventually came up because of the lawsuit and in part because of delicate investigative reporting by the raleigh, af rally, -- system had been contrived by two people. it didn't involve everybody in the department. a system had been contrived over the years, beginning around 1990 or so, that allow the administrative assistant in the department to schedule courses that were not really courses.

they would register for the course, would not attend any classes, would have no contact with an instructor, but would of somea paper specified length, 10-20 pages at the end of the semester, it was often plagiarized, we later learned. it was often very shoddy work. the administrative assistant gave a good grade for the paper and the class. these were in fact gpa boosting classes. to gettook a long time to the bottom of it, but by late 2014, thanks to the weinstein report that was released in october that year, we realized that thousands of students were involved in this scam, hundreds of classes had been created, and hundreds more independent studies that were basically false had also been scheduled in the 1990's and 2000's up to

about 2009. the initial courses were almost exclusively for men's basketball, which was of course missing --eir another embarrassing aspect of the scandal. hardly anyone around here wanted much of attention focused on that, as you can imagine. by the end of the 1990's, all sports were involved. sports, women's basketball, ms. basketball, football, were over representative among the students who were registering, but there were also students swimming,osse, and and all the rest. everybody was getting in on the scheme. the university was willing to believe that this fraud had occurred, but for the longest time, they wanted to deny that athletic was in any way a driver of the scandal.

the revenue sports bring in roughly 90 million dollars a unc, and it is for all of the other sports, they are able to operate at a high level banks to all that revenue that football and men's basketball in particular bring in. and so yes, this is one reason why unc and other big-time institutions are always reluctant to look too closely at what is going on over in athletics, because you don't want to imperil that revenue stream. so the only people for example who lost jobs as a result of the 2015 were a handful of academic advisors in athletics. -- on tenured professor, un-tenured professor and the person that preceded the ministered of assistant.

that person had very minimal involvement in the scandal. he was let go, too. they made a show of letting people go and ushering them out the door, but no one in a high-level position, no coach, no administrator, no one was called to account. so to this day, we don't really have the full picture of who knew what and when, who acted whether weasons, and have truly corrected the culture here. it's not entirely clear. they are not any more transparent today than they were in 2012, i would say. my co-author and i happen to think athletes are mistreated, cheated, hence the name of the book. this book that we initially started out thinking that it would be mainly about exposing corruption in the administration eventually turn into an advocacy project. because we wanted to point out that athletes are getting a raw

deal in the system. and they were in fact the victims of what happened here at unc. they were not the perpetrators of fraud, they were the victims of it. the brute fact is, we are exploiting them and their labor and their bodies while they are on our campus for four years. and if they are not being paid while the are here and are not going to get paid later and we are not educating them properly, i would say that is not a victimless crime, that is an exploitative system that universities should not be engaged in. at least not with a clean conscience, they shouldn't be. they should be working continually to make it a fair, better, more rewarding system for the athletes who are in the pipeline. the university's reaction was largely negative. the reaction to the book, to my working on the book, to my making lots of public comments about the scandal and so on.

when the book was published for the first time in march of 2015, it got absolutely no coverage here on campus. it was never mentioned in any official university publication. the university paid no attention to it. that was not all surprising honestly given the battles i have fought with the administrators through the years. i would say what most surprised me about how the university chose to respond to or react to was what happened when i created a course, a new course in the history of college athletics and the rights of athletes, which i have now taught about four times, but after the first two times i story it, to make a long short, administrators who had not been paying attention started paying attention.

and they made efforts to force my department chair to pull the course from our class roster. and i indeed had to delay teaching the course for one semester. and i only won my right to teach it in the semester i taught it when i filed a grievance against the university, which i won and got a lot of attention in the press, which put more pressure i think on our administrators, and they eventually relented and have not bothered in the past year or so. i hope now the courses inoculated and i will not face any more harassment over it. many individuals are named in the book, and individual instances of wrongdoing are enumerated, but that is not what we want you to take away from this book. it is not about what individuals did and how corrupt a day may or may not have been, we want you to focus on the system, how the

system operates, how it forces good people to do bad things. or at least to consider doing bad things. the pressures are just so enormous in the athletic program that those who have a sympathy for athletes or who are just sports fans or who like to be helpful are going to be enticed to do shady things from time to time, and sometimes it can morph into full-scale fraud. so it is a system that requires that's probably the dominant message we would like you to take away from this book. why did you decide to run for mayor of chapel hill? >> well, it was probably more of an accident than it was on purpose. i went to a friend of mine and asked him if he would consider running for mayor, because i frankly did not think a black person had any chance of being

elected mail of -- elected mayor of chapel hill. when he did was to go to the local newspaper and tell them he had a scoop, which is that i planned to run for mail. in the newspaper without even checking printed that story as a front-page headline. and that, of course, slipped the chapel hill community -- flipped the chapel hill community. following that, i had pressure on both sides, pressure from one group thinking it was the most exciting thing since winning the ncaa championship, and another group thought it was the dumbest thing anybody could think of doing. even the black community was concerned that if i were to run for mayor, it would not do much of anything except exacerbate the race problem in chapel hill, which has been present through the years. and i only ran finally because of one person who said to me, you should not run for mayor because the time is not right.

and i had been hearing that all my life. as a black person living in the south and growing up, i was always told that the time would not be right. well, let'secided, make it right. that is when i declared i would run for mayor. that is how it all started. i chose to run for mayor not necessarily to win, because i frankly still did not think i had a chance of winning, but then i won. and from that point on, it was a whole different life for me. and i remember turning to my wife, at the time, the victory was announced, i said now that i have got it, what the heck am i going to do with it? but it was the beginning of a new life. a very good life. >> where did you begin your life? where did you grow up? >> i grew up in a little town southeast of atlanta. the sitetown that was of the big rock quarry.

they produced a lot of grain and rocks that were shipped all over the world. and that was the main job there. it was kind of a country town. my parents lived on the sharecroppers farm when i was born. i lived on that farm with my grandparents until i was eight years old before moving more into the urban area of that section of the state. >> you grew up in the segregated south. were there moments where you realize your life was a part of other people's and that you were being separated from other folks? >> yes. they had come a time when i realized that we just were not being treated fairly. klanr one, the georgia

was organized six miles in stone mountain, georgia from where we lived. the klan would hold a rally and a big field -- in a big field in front of my house and burn a cross. that was implanted in my mind, the idea that this was a dangerous group for us, but that we were also being intimidated and bullied. and i didn't like that. but then i became -- i had my was first very best friend a white boy, and we were insufferable until we reached the age of 15. when we reached the age of 15, his parents told me he could no longer be my friend and that he is a white boy was better than boy, he and i could no longer hang out together. he came to me and told me that story, which was amazing. and he felt horrible about it, but he had no basis of not obeying his parents.

and that split us up. we never had contact again. i became very angry as a result and then engaged in my first protest. i will never forget it, i was in lithonia, and i went to what was at that time a colored bathroom. it was a unisex bathroom, and it was dirty with all kinds of oil and grease in the bathroom, and i refused to use it. i don't know why, but on that particular occasion, i just am pleased that i'm not using it. so i went into the white men's bathroom. i use the white men's bathroom and should have come out and gone on my way, but i decided while i'm here might as a check of the white women's bathroom. i was discovered by the owner of the store, and when i came out, a group of men were waiting, they push me around and started

beating me up -- pushed me around and started beating me up, but one thing my dad had told me in the south as a black boy, you better learn how to run. on that case, it served me well, because i could out run these guys. my whole life was reshaped from that one incident. up until that point, my goal was to grow up, moved to new york, anywhere outside of the south. i just knew i did not want to be in the south, but my life changed in such a way that after that experience, i committed to , ever that i would never leave the south, and i would say and do whatever i could to make sure that i gain some ownership -- gained some ownership of my home area. the second promise i made to myself is that i would never try to take the system had on again, i will be smarter to go around and tackle the problems that i feel need to be dealt with

without being confronting in the process of doing it. that was the beginning, i think, of what ultimately transformed me into the person i became for the rest of my high school years and then on through college and to this point. >> what brought you to chapel hill? >> graduate school. when i finished my graduate work , duke offered me a job as a researcher with a foundation funded program. we had planned to go back to georgia. they offered me more money than i ever dreamed. job -- i accepted the job. along with the job came the possibility of living in duke forest, which at that time was a very prestigious development around duke university. but for some reason, we decided we wanted to stay in chapel hill. >> how would you describe chapel hill at that time? >> chapel hill was a

schizophrenic community. it was schizophrenic because it had this liberal image, and that is what set this in -- sucked us in. there was a strong, progressive community in chapel hill trying to break down original barriers. but then if one looked closer, it was also one of the most discriminatory communities in the area, because there was no middle class, all the blacks lived in the western section of werel hill, and they the ones who did most of the mediocre work in chapel hill, because the job inventory was not very broad. townspeople who were not university connected were

old southerners who really -- anywhere from prejudicial attitudes, to very strong prejudicial attitudes. my wife and i, upon moving to chapel hill, found it difficult buying a house. we livedmoved in, under the threat of death for the better part of a year for both ourselves and our children. so chapel hill was very segregated. onn we purchased our house the eastern part of chapel hill, that was the first time a black family had bought a house outside of the traditional black community. very tenuous, because black folks thought we thought we were too good to live in the black community. and they really didn't see that if we could open up

opportunities and show that house and show that housing could be available to people regardless of ethnicity, that it could make a difference in terms y conflicts.ommunit over time, it did come to that. and of course, university people were very proactive. because all these folks were coming here that simply did not buy into the southern judicial segregation. but restaurants had by the time we got here started to break down discriminatory barriers. and most of the demonstrations, some of the nastiest demonstrations in north carolina, took place in chapel hill, including on one occasion where a group of kids was sitting in a restaurant and a waitress goes to the bathroom , urinates in a cup, and starts pouring it on the heads of the demonstrators. even the administration did not

think that was the proper thing to do and criticized that. that got a lot of criticism in chapel hill as well as across the state of north carolina. but gradually, things started to improve, and they improved quickly. >> 1969. what is the reaction to you winning the coming mayor of chapel hill? wasell, my first reaction lying to my wife, thinking i was not going to win. i had not written an acceptance speech. i did not plan to celebrate -- i did not plan a sublet a tory event. -- i did not plan a celebratory event. i was just smoking a cigar planning to get back to my position. but i looked to my wife and said, i got it, what the heck am i going to do with it? it was such joy in such elation

and chapel hill, not just chapel hill, but once the word got out that i was on the verge of winning, people started coming here from durham, even some --ks drove from rale and i wasreensboro, its firsthen unc won ncaa championship, but i was told the crowds in the street were absolutely amazing. that was what happened the night of my election. and the reaction was mixed. onre were some people who papers printed stories that chapel hill elects black power radicalome wrote elected mayor of chapel hill, so those were some responses, but others recognize the

historical aspect of what just occurred. i did not know until that night that there had not been a black mayor in this country. about't think ever reconstruction. and that started to make headlines. but even the more pleasant part is that even my hometown paper at a positive story, the atlanta journal had a positive story. electionfident that my accent onput a small martin luther king laid the groundwork and made the sacrifice and set the stage for this to happen. and i think even had to happen, chapel hill was the place it should happen. and i am always a very delighted that i was a person who was in the middle of the. -- very delighted that i was a person who was in the middle of

that. thing, 46 years ago, july 23, it's the first time in the history of the country got a committee of congress had ever issued it. washington was just filled with whether or not the president was totally indicted, what was going to happen to him, and then when those tapes were finally revealed, that was the way that they removed mr. next and from office voluntarily. -- mr. next and from office voluntarily. -- nixon from office voluntarily. my job was sort of what i describe as the chief operating officer. i was there to sort of --

-- sort of see things that the train kept running, that things worked well. i would coordinate the hearings, who with the witnesses would be, -- they would be handled, and it was a big job to run a committee with competing personalities, competing staff, and it was my job to just see that things worked well. and i was not that old. i was 31 years old. which nobody should have a job younger than 31 years old. -- that job younger than 31 years old. but it's sort of forked out. -- it sort of worked out. i had been in capitol hill almost 10 years. we began with senator ervin in 1964.

when the committee was set up, i knew the ropes on capitol hill, i knew the procedures, what you needed to do. imagine putting a staff of 100 people together. the way that watergate committee was set up, it was a committee and the senate that was looking at watergate. the gentleman of montana knew you had fragments here, fragments there, so he put all the authority on the watergate senate committee. -- that is one of the marvelous things about watergate, the two of them work together. they said we will not disagree about in public, and they didn't. no hearing since watergate has

ever succeeded like watergate, because you did not have to compatible people that reached across and try to make one another work. there is a primary difference today. in the years of watergate, they worked together. you don't find that now. anything of major importance where the parties work together. >> can we talk about how it came about use of pinning the president? president?ing the how were you chosen to deliver it to president nixon? met in hise senator office in private with committee members and said we are going to ask the president if he will voluntarily turn over the tapes when they discovered there was a taping system, because of the revelation.

here is a little sad story. go get thed to me, president on the phone, go pick up that loaf of bread. and so, i went into the little room, and i -- the senators would like to speak to the president, and she said, hold on, i will be back with you. well, you have to remember that during that time, president nixon had been saying the committee is out to get me, is out to get me. but unknown to me, the president gets on the line and says, senator, this is richard nixon. he was talking to me, and i president,mr. senator ervin wants to get you

-- on the phone, sorry, mr. president, on the phone! [laughter] the president on with they set underd the separation powers, they should honor the subpoena and over the tapes voluntarily. of course, he said no. that is when the committee voted subpoena the president. -- voted to subpoena the president. there was no procedure to deliver a subpoena, because had -- because it had never been done before for a president. i chose myself to deliver the subpoena. well, you have to have a couple of exciting things to do. had 200 newspeople following. we got to the executive office

building, and there was another crowd of reporters there. we had already called to make arrangements for mr. nixon's current council, because he had a habit of having different councils when they would not obey what he said to do. he would fire them and get another one various times. i did this little sneaky thing, i had one of those little baby in the back of my pocket, and direct that boy out and said, i heard you guys need one of these down here, too. so not only did i deliver a subpoena for the tapes, i delivered the constitution. it was fun. >> could you actually explained what actually is the impeachment process? do many americans really

understand how it works? >> when you say impeachment, most people think that includes removing the president. is sortachment process of like a grand jury. the grand jury, when you are arrested for a crime, you go before a grand jury that will charge you with a crime. that is not the same thing, but almost the same thing. the impeachment prefers charges against the person who was being impeached. president in, president clinton, and now will be president trump. if they follow through on it. then it's up to the senate entirely to take the charges, sitting like a jury, a jury of your peers presided over by the chief justice and the supreme court, to decide whether the charges -- and they take those charges, they don't make them up

themselves -- they take them from the house of representatives, and they decide like a jury whether or not they are valid enough to remove a president. and the impeachment process is not the entire impeachment and removal. that is what most people think when you say impeachment, they think that is part of removing the president. impeachment is one step, step one of making the charges. and they're both very important and both very unique to our forms of government. hardly anything like it anywhere else in the world. and the system didn't work and it worked for this one basic reason -- senators said it would work -- i am not sure we are today'st in proceedings, the procedure result there to do that, because you saw the storming of the secret room the other day,

members of the republican party, that is hardly it. [laughter] i don't think that's working together. it's not set up institutionally. -- needed to have the senator of north carolina is doing a hearing the right way, he is conducting hearings in a very nonpartisan way that everybody should be proud of. both he and the senator from virginia have decided they were going to have nonpartisan hearings, and it can be done if you have people at the top agreeing to do it and sticking with it. but on the house said, i see nothing but acrimony. watergate you had turmoil, you had people that did not like what we were doing. we were receiving, by the way, over 40,000 pieces of mail a week. that is astounding.

i said mail, not email, not text. mail. it was very controversial. but at the same time, it did not have come on capitol hill, the hatred that we have today. that is another difference between now and the watergate era. impeachment,n there was a lot of acrimony there, but still you had a system that was not all drificated, but you didn't have all these different committees, you have senate judiciary. i would have had one committee in the senate, one committee in the house with input for the others, but now you seem to have

a system that is going to funnel everything in in the end to the senate judiciary committee, which i find it hard to believe that it can work that well, because you have people that are urfing, which is a tremendously volatile thing on capitol hill, don't mess with my hearings. it's my hearing, my show. you are getting a lot of shows on capitol hill today. the system is working with ragged edges. give it a little time. d try yourself not to be so partisan. show little empathy for the other side. try to put yourself in their shoes, which is a pretty good guide if you can put yourself shoes.ers -- in others' everybody is so mad at one another. but be patient and try to make

the system work. in the end, it will work. time, quite a long americans and mainly white americans had remembered a war, civil war, that pitted brave white soldiers on both sides against one another that were fighting for the respective causes, but we are not going to talk about what those causes were. in the 1970's coming out of the civil rights movement, you begin to see more people to my historic fights, scholars talking about the importance of emancipation, the history of american slavery, it's much darker side, and especially the story of united states americans who fought in roughly for the american civil war. this narrative emerges in a response to this ship. you find people in the confederate heritage community who are worried about not being

able to celebrate their confederate ancestors without having to deal with the issue of slavery and emancipation. the black consider -- , they can balance out the moral scales, if you will. it's really important to remember that both the u.s. and the confederacy in 1861, that the war started as a white man's war. in other words, the army's would only include wightman. -- white men. in 21863, lincoln and the administration realized they needed additional manpower. fredericksts like douglass and others having pushed lincoln and is a ministration to recruit black men from the beginning. they saw this as a war from freedom, the best majority of the loyal citizenry in the north was not

fighting this war to make african-americans equal. they were not fighting the war to end slavery predict they were preserve the union. lincoln knew that and he did not want to undercut the motivation. by 1863, that begins to change as the demand for increased manpower becomes much more important. the confederacy from the very beginning, they had to make sure that they were mobilizing as much of their enslaved population as possible. the reasons are obvious. the difference in population between north and south. the north could obviously mobilize more white men to carry a rifle. for the confederacy, they will mobilize their inflamed population to free up as many white men to carry a rifle as possible. you would have had tens of thousands of enslaved men pressed into confederate

service. their masters would have been paid by the confederate government for three months and those men would have been utilized to do any number of things to advance the war effort. havenstance, slaves would constructed earthworks. they would have built and prepared -- we've heard rail lines. they would have worked like -- in places like the iron works manufacturing munitions and other necessary items to fight the war. you had tens of thousands of enslaved men throughout the confederacy doing these jobs. playing these crucial roles. then you look at the army itself. you also had thousands of enslaved men that allowed the confederate army to do what he needed to do. you had meant who were responsible as teamsters driving wagons working in hospitals. foraging, blacksmiths.

the army itself, to give you an example of the numbers, robert e lee's army instant -- 1863 may have been 75,000 men marching north into pennsylvania. culminating in the battle of gettysburg. within that army, he may have had as many as 10,000 enslaved men. that would have included what they would have called on a service. if you're an officer from the slaveholding class, you would have brought in the army a slave from your presentation. that enslaved individual have functioned as your personal slave to work on anything that the officer needed to allow him to do his job. between the body servants or i call cap slaves in the book and the impressed slaves, you get a's best a sense of how important slavery was to the confederate war effort.

the vice president of the confederacy said slavery is the cornerstone of the confederacy. he was absolutely right. when you look at the armies and the presence of the thousands of enslaved men, you get a sense of what he was talking about. confederate armies cannot have can't efficiently, marched efficiently, and even conducted battle efficiently or as efficiently as they were able to without the presence of enslaved meant. throughout much of the war, the confederacy is mobilized in slave labor. that finally changes as they saw the writing on the wall. confederacyout the began to talk about the possibility of recruiting slaves as soldiers. earlyebate continues into 1865 rated there are who take all kinds of positions.

what is so interesting as a historian to read is the emotional attachment that people that itaking sure remained a white man's war. many understood that if they recruited the slaves as soldiers that would have undercut the purpose of the confederacy. if we do this is the confederacy worth fighting for. what is the confederacy mean if we are now going to recruit black men as soldiers and in a sense, make them equal as wightman. congress finally in mid-march of 1865 is barely able to vote to begin the recruitment of these men. within a few weeks, the war ends and there is no evidence that the men recruited ever saw the battlefield. the war ends for the confederacy as it started as a white man's war. what that means is throughout the american civil war, even throughout decades after the war, former confederates and

white southerners generally were under no illusion as to the role that african-americans played in the confederate war effort. they were entirely in slave labor. it may be surprising to learn the first shift from talking about loyal slaves as the call them for so long, from the shift to black soldiers does not take place until relatively recently. late 1970's read as the countries overall collective memory is beginning to shift. confederate heritage advocates will argue that the confederacy mobilized and americans. sometimes they will admit they were organized as enslaved labor but they will somehow find a way to include that there were significant numbers of black men fighting as legitimate soldiers as front-line soldiers enlisted men and integrated regiments. they will point this out to say that in contrast to the u.s.

black menh recruited after 1863 in segregated units with -- the confederacy actually went further. they can claim that the asfederacy was functioning an experiment in civil rights. they will argue that the in integrated units. this was a wild claim given that nobody at the time of the war would have recognized such a statement. i think the black confederate narrative fits in the center of the broader debate we are having over the last few years about confederate memory -- memory. whether or not confederate statues and memorials should remain in public and private spaces across the former confederacy and beyond. aboutte itself is really how we remember the confederate

war and the civil war more broadly. when you talk about people on or notdes of whether these memorials should remain, when they are talking about this, in the context of a civil war more -- monument, they are talking about how our history should be remembered and commemorated. for some people, they are not just -- not yet ready to a knowledge the connection between the history of the racial divide, white supremacy, the lingering legacy of slavery and their own current problems when it comes to trying to bridge the racial divide. ofare standing on the campus unc chapel hill. wheres roughly the spot the confederate soldier statue once stood. he was dedicated in 1913 on the campus. a timeication comes at

when white southerners, former tofederates are digging in commemorating their lost cause. of monumente height and memorial dedication at a time when confederate veterans are dropping off in larger numbers and when a new generation of white southerners are coming onto the scene. they never experienced the war itself so that parents and grandparents want to make sure they understand what the sacrifice was all about. spot toa perfect understand or come to terms with that because one of the dedication addresses that was delivered was delivered by a student at the beginning of the war. he went off to fight the war briefly as a private. a successful philanthropist after the war, and industrialist. he gave a very powerful in 1913.n address the address really highlighted the connection between the

importance of white southerners placed on maintaining white supremacy in the early 20th century with the cause that they have fought for. during this address, he talks about coming home to chapel hill . coming to the campus. he says at one point, just a few feet away in the spring of 1865 when he arrived home, he talks tout and he openly admits whipping what he called a new growth which for talking back against a white woman. wench for talking back against a white woman. he even showed blood. doing was connecting 1913 with 1865. it highlights the importance of white supremacy as part of the civil war itself, the confederate cause and especially

the point decades later where white southerners are working hard to maintain white supremacy through jim quote -- jim crow lives legislation. we have to come to some kind of understanding and if possible, agreement about what got us here. the story of the black confederate, the myth of the black confederate and the role of enslaved labor helps to fill in a small part but an important part of the story. over the course of the 19th century, especially in the 1850's right before the american civil war you see a spike and migrations of people from north carolina and other parts of the country to liberia. relatedpart of this is to the political tone of the 1850's learned the conflict over

slavery whether the country is going to be slave or free and a number of things that happened during this time, another of slave laws passed in 1850 and loss in 1857 read you have a spike during the 1850's and north carolina is part of the spike of people who are leaving the state and willing to give their ear to the american colonization society as it was trying to beat the bushes to get people on the ships to liberia. the american colonization society was an organization in 1816. the purpose was to bring together a number of individuals that expressed interest in some perpetual slavery and immediate abolition of slavery. they are looking for a middle ground. was to depart, remove african-americans. starting with free african-americans from the united states.

not only abouts slavery, the question was about enough toou it wasn't free slaves and deport them, you , you raise theof question altogether which is free blacks who are a small minority of the population, they since thesed in size american revolution in the 1780's. you had to do both of those american regard to the connell best colonization society and its advocates in order to address the issue of issue of slavery and of race. the good sense or the political savvy to ring in their friends in the federal government. ,iven the size of this project by 1830, there are over 2 million slaves in this country. as a lot of people.

if you're ideally going to move all of those folks, then the free black population, the government is about the only institution that is going to be put together that kind of migration even for the government and its resources, it was still a nearly impossible undertaking. their pitch to african-americans is multipronged. it was appealing to african-americans saying you really don't belong here. the writing is on the wall. slaves, you are not can get caught up in the sense of slavery. the dred scott decision of 1857 says that blacks and even free blacks are a separate class not protected by the constitution. that is not citizens. if that wasn't clear, there are individual states including

saying freena blacks need to get ready to select who their masters will be. that means they will be enslaved so you get to choose them now, choose a good one and choose one who will not work you too hard. your freedom is expendable. that's the section between the north and south. they were forced to choose which side they were going to be on either get out of here or get ready for reinstatement or enslavement if you have never been enslaved in the first place. get ready for bondage. the tenor of what was going on in the state. and more broadly, in the country. thisan-americans who leave country, black americans who leave this country and go to liberia immediately when they

get there, they are very conscious of the fact they are not african. the climate is different. two seasons, rainy and wet season. the vast majority of black americans who wind up there were born in america. africa, what they heard about it is at best second hand or third hand. something they read in newspapers or something the american colonization society said to them or they read about it in literature. it is something that your great on who was perhaps born in africa said that you might know. these are people who were going to africa by the 1800s who -- they were not born there. i had no firsthand experience in africa. they did not of the languages read they had it european names. that was starkly apparent to them once they get off the ships. what happens is they fall back

on what is familiar. become the they americans they thought they wanted to be once they get to liberia. when they get there, they try to reinvent what is familiar. protection, they keep wearing american style clothing even though they are in the tropics. their food ways are very americanized. attemptvery interesting to reinvent america in the tropics and the america that they and themselves cannot experience in america because they were either slaves or they america butee in they were at best second or third class citizens. african-american sellers in settlers in liberia

are involved in a colonizing project. they are involved in a project of dispossession. they are involved in exclusion of indigenous people from the colony that becomes the state called liberia. is conflictthere between indigenous people and the settlers. some of it had to do with the fact that coming in and taking other people's land. some of it had to do with the kind of cultural arrogance that the settlers take with them to africa. they get to africa thinking that african civilization there is no match for the western civilization they are coming out of. that in africa, they insist upon speaking english. they consider themselves christians and thus superior to the heathens.

their food ways, the government structure, they think it's also. to everything they find in africa. again, it underscores the fact is a completely different strange, unfamiliar place to them to the point that these settlers fall back on what is familiar and that is their western experience. and the cultural baggage cultural arrogance that comes with that. the liberian government continues to exist. it is one of those situations that can't exist forever. that is, you cannot have a small minority of people governing a more numerous majority of folks and excluding them and exploiting their labor and so forth they can go on forever. it usually has about ending. in ending for liberia comes 1980. when a number of junior

africans, junior officers of african origin dissent as opposed to black american elite liberian military staged a coup against the government to wipe it out. to wipe out the government of african-american or black american descendents. civil war in liberia for the next 20 years. that is more or less how the sins ofthe fathers, the the settlers, the exclusion of the dispossession the arrogance comes to its reckoning. the american colonization society probably if we can sit them down with the leading officers and ask them here in the 20th century what to make of their project, i imagine everyone of them would say they are doing the lord's work.

they did as right as they could given the circumstances by the black americans. of course, it is not the library and project the civil war that ends slavery in the united states. colonization i think for some people is just an illusion that you could deport your way out of. the conflict between the north and the south, free and slave. if you could convince enough masters to free enough slaves and get on enough ships to liberia, eventually, the whole problem with slavery and race might be resolved although over time, it looked like an even more ridiculous proposal. the voices exhibit looks at the literary contributions of african americans in north carolina from the 19th century the present. anniversaryhe 400

of the arrival of africans to english north america. since that time, they have made significant contributions to our society and culture. we ever north carolina -- we wanted to focus on books. we decided to focus on writers from north carolina. case presents very important slave narratives from the antebellum time. shaperse who were the of north carolina literature in many ways. a international impact because of the wide reprinting of their work. either in their own time or in the 20th century. moses roper for instance, it is important to notice how he is dressed. how this portrait looks great he is dressed like a gentleman not

like a slave. most people in the american north and in england had notions of the slaves being someone who is a common labor. to use a better term. they didn't think of slaves as having these personal qualities that would make them dignified and respectable. when you dress moses roper lake this and you include his signature, what you are saying is this is a literate man. he is a man of a congressman. why is he enslaved? -- he is a man of accomplishment. it is important that readers understand how shocking the experience of slavery was. robert told the story of his birth which was, the main thing that was happened when he was born was the wife of his master

came into the room where his mother was to see the baby and when she saw this light-skinned baby and who he looked like, she went back to her kitchen and got becauseand it came back she did not want this child, the son of her husband to live. it was only because moses roper's grandmother interceded and stop this that he survived at all. his story is also very much about how to get away. it is about multiple attempts to run away. it is about the narrative of the adventures and escape of moses roper prayed he went on many adventures trying to escape from slavery. eventually he was able to do it in england with the help of abolitionists there. it went through 20 editions. who,et jacobs is a person in her own time when her narrative was published

incidents in the life of a slave , was not widely read. the civil war ensued a must as soon as her book came out and it was not widely known or appreciated. intoit has been published at least one doesn't religious. it is red all over the world. it is the most important book by a 19th century african-american woman anywhere. roper, she came from a relatively high echelon among the enslaved. she was a domestic worker. she had privileges. her mistresses taught her to read when she was a child. the great disadvantage she has is that when she was 15 years began a process of sexual harassment that was unrelenting. he wanted to turn her into his concubine. he made no bones about it.

he made it very clear that's what he wanted her to be and she made it just as clear as she did not want to do that. it is a story of not only the ways that african-american women were oppressed because of sex under slavery but it is also a story about how and african-american woman, even a teenage girl couldn't resist. this is a photograph of anna julia cooper. a woman who came from raleigh, north carolina, born into slavery. in 1858. she wasge of nine, going to school and at the same time, working as a teacher. because she was so bright and dedicated to education. when she got to be college age, she left north carolina. she went to oberlin. a college where an

african-american woman could be accepted and when asked what did she want to take in her ladies curriculum, she said i don't want to be in the ladies curriculum i want to be in the regular mail curriculum. eventually, she got a ma in mathematics. she became a public school a school in washington, d.c. which was known for developing the most talented of the talented 10th in the city of washington in the district of columbia. she also wrote essays, gave lectures, which were collected in a voice from the south. one of the main themes of this book is the necessity for the higher education of african-american women. it was hard enough in 1892 to convince most white people that african-american men needed higher education.

cooper was adamant. a voice from the south becomes a statement.feminist a belief not only in the ability of african-american women to be educated at the highest level but also for their capacity to lead. as a result of that education. chestnut was a person who could claim not only european heritage but also indigenous heritage as well as african heritage. he probably got the equivalent of a seven or eight great education through friedman schools that were established and fayetteville, north carolina where he grew up after the civil war. himselfy educated hurried he wanted to become a writer. that was the main thing he wanted was to become a fiction writer. what he did was to become the

tost african-american publish fiction in the atlantic monthly. a soon as he could, he started to write novels. the narrow tradition is his best-known novel. it is an expose a of what was known as the wilmington race riot of 1898. today, it is more accurate to term it the wilmington massacre of 1898. he was talking about something that was front-page news in 1898 in the fall. hoped would galvanize public opinion and take white people understand disenfranchiseo black people in north carolina and across the south as well as the move to cradle-to-grave segregation, where did that come from? ?hat was the marrow of that

he talked about the deep-seated racism that he knew growing up in the south as well as anyone else of african descent who was living in the south of the time. the novel was not commercially successful. today, it is widely read. there are multiple paperback editions of it. it is taught and appreciated far more now than it ever was in the past. >> i would like visitors to the learningo come away more about the significant contribution said african-american writers have made to north carolina and united states literature and this includes a very strong group of writers in the 19th century who really put us on the literary map and made more contributions than white writers here in north carolina at that time.

>> our visit to chapel hill, north carolina is a tv exclusive trade we showed it today to introduce you to c-span cities tour. we have traveled for nine years to u.s. cities announcer: president trump held a campaign rally in las vegas coming next on c-span. newsmakers is 10:00 p.m. eastern aboutim chapman, talking campaign 2020, immigrations, and other issues. on the communicators, arguments for and against encryption. the secretary for the army, navy, and air force on the 2021 defense budget and the pentagon's acquisition process. ♪ join us saturday at

6:00 p.m. eastern with the results of the nevada caucuses, precinct results, candidate speeches from joe biden, bernie warren, amyzabeth klobuchar, pete buttigieg, and tom steyer. campaigncalls about 2020. live on demand at c-span.org or listen live on the free c-span radio app. presidential candidate mike bloomberg announced his company had identified three nondisclosure agreements signed by women who have complained about his past comments. the former new york city mayor also said he would release the women from the agreements if they wanted. during wednesday's democratic debate in nevada, senator elizabeth warren, also a presidential candidate, pressed mr. bloomberg to release the women from the nda's. more from fox.com. u.s. officials have told senator

bernie sanders that russia is attempting to help his presidential campaign as an effort to interfere with the democratic contest. in a statement, senator sanders said "i don't care frankly who putin wants to be president. my message to putin is clear, out of american elections, and as president, i will make sure you do." president trump addressed reports of an intelligence assessment that says russia is trying to help his reelection campaign as part of the disinformation campaign against him. this rally was held the day before the nevada caucuses. i got to be a macho man macho, macho man i have got to be a macho man macho, macho man i have got to be a macho man ♪