that does it for us tonight. we will see you on monday. >> good evening and welcome to a special thanksgiving holiday edition of "the last word." tonight we are less than a year away from the 2020 presidential election. a year ago voters delivered a strong message to republicans and the trump presidency in the congressional elections with the democrats winning the house by the largest midterm margin of victory since the impeachment investigation of richard nixon forced him to resign the presidency in 1974. and now another republican president is the subject of a fast-moving impeachment investigation. for two weeks americans watched

house intelligence committee hearings on live television as several career public servants testified to what they witnessed in the trump administration's dealings with ukraine. during the hearings a new book was published from inside the trump administration. it is entitled "a warning" and the author, who remains anonymous, is the same person who wrote an op-ed piece for the "new york times" last year saying donald trump must not be reelected. the times identified the author as a senior trump administration official. in the new book the author says conservatives dreaming that donald trump is our savior need to wake up. not only is he not a conservative, he represents a long-term threat to the republican party. those cheering him onto a second term with foaming at the mouth excitement that he is totally owning the left are unknowingly nailing coffins into the gop. the author admits to being wrong in 2018 when he claimed that a

quiet resistance inside the administration was keeping donald trump in check. elected bureaucratics and cabinet appointees were never going to steer donald trump in the right direction in the long run or refine his malignant management style. if donald trump is reelected, anonymous predicts the guardrails will be gone entirely and freed from the threat of defeat, this president will feel emboldened to double down on his worst impulses. he is freer than ever to put his self-interest above the national interest. here is how anonymous sees the 2020 presidential election. we should see trump's actions as fireable offenses, regardless of whether or not congress determines they are impeachable ones. if the president is reelected, you can count on the fact that he will make other dishonest requests of foreign powers. no external force can ameliorame

his attraction to wrongdoing. joining our discussion, president and ceo of the center for american progress and jerry ree -- joy reid, the host of a.m. joy. this book, it's amazing that it hasn't been able to get the kind of attention that even the op-ed piece got when it came out in the "new york times" because this news landscape has been so filled with the hearings. it certainly is an important background for the hearings. >> absolutely. it is possible for these two th things to be true. i think this person is a rank crowd for being anonymous and refusing to put their name behind what they're doing. and they're also right. the way that countries descend into autocracy is you have a

leader who won't check their impulses, who allow them to engage in rampant corruption, who participate in the corruption, who participate in driving down the authority of the institutions they're supposed to be in charge up, who cause foreign governments to get into corrupt deals with the leader of the country. autocracy proceeds exactly the way donald trump's administration is proceeding. because he's surrounded by a political party that is both a participant and enabler, there's nothing to stop his autocratic impulses. in he gets reelected, he will be unchecked. if he comes back in it have been vengeance and theft. that's what he will be there for. >> there's more in the book about exactly this actually. it quotes a group of high level advisors to the president talking. they say about a third of the things the president wants us to do are flat-out stupid, another third would be impossible to implement and wouldn't even

solve the problem, and a third of them would be that the-out illegal and all the heads nodded when that was said. that accounts for 100% of the president's thoughts, either l illeg illegal, impossible to implem t implement, flat-out stupid or all three. >> i think what we've heard over the last couple of weeks with the impeachment inquiry or the investigation is a confirmation of that. you see and we're learning more and more details and have learned more and more details about how the president wanted to engage in illegal behavior and cover it up. i think what's important about this book and i agree 100% with joy reid that this person isn't really a hero, just perhaps a little bit better of a person than the entire caucus of the republicans in the senate and the house who are openly

supporting the president and his illegal behavior. i do think it provides a window into an administration which some of its supporters believe this is all a show and he really does know what he's doing behind the scenes. obviously this gives lie to that. >> there's a passage in the book that indicates donald trump is a very deliberate -- i was going to say criminal, but he's very deliberate when he's verging on criminal activity. this passage saying we can tell when donald trump is preparing to ask his lawyers to do something unethical or foolish. that's when he scans the room for note takers. what the f are you doing, he shouted at an aide in the meeting. are you taking notes? i'm sorry, the aide said. his paranoia is the best

evidence of a guilty conscience. joy, there seems to be when you listen to the testimony in the hearings real carefulness when he's threading the needle of illegalities with gordon sondland for example never saying exactly the words yes, i want them to do this. and then specifically, according to sondland saying the words there is no quid pro quo, which he seemed to be reading off a cue card that some lawyer had just given him because the whistleblower had already blown the whistle. there seems to be a real deliberate consciousness about him. >> of course. you listen to michael cohen who said the exact same thing, when he wants you to do something that he and you both know is wrong, he won't say do it but he makes it clear to do it. david k. johnson has talked about donald trump's extensive use of the mob in terms of his building in new york.

he is a mob-esque kind of person. one of the things he does is imply what he wants and then says i don't want what i'm saying i want. it's as if he walks into a bank, stands on the counter and says i am not robbing the bank but i'm going to need you to empty the vault into his bags. he thinks because he says i am not robbing this bank, he is cleared on bank robbery. everybody knew what he wanted from zelensky. everybody. >> it's right there in the phone call. >> they limit the access to the information of what exactly was said. they give you what they call a transcript which isn't a transcript. what they do with the real transcript is hide it. what has he said to vladimir putin? there's no readout. they hide that. what has he said to the saudi arabian dictator? we don't know. they hide that. people who do actually take down

notes are the people who bust him. >> one more passage from the book. when it comes to manipulating a system, trump's first inting is to force the answers he wants from his haurs. he pressures them daily and they feel the heat. he will berate them to their faces for not seeing the law the way he sees the law. they cann he cannot stand it when they tell him no. trump drives them to edge of what's legal and reasonable and badgers them until they take the plunge, bringing the administration along for the fall. we get that feeling from all the testimony we've heard in the intelligence committee where this was the president's idea the rudy giuliani to hold up this aid. then he forces everybody involved to go along with this.

>> obviously the book is concerning of what we've seen over the last several years and it paints a picture of continual desire to break the rules. and a central question before the house and eventually the it senate is do we prescribe the president's behavior now or wait until the election? z republicansall red are saying let's have the election decide this. but what's crucial about the book is it shows donald trump will break the rules until stopped. he will engage in illegal activity until he's stopped. and if this doesn't stop him, we shouldn't rely on him letting the election go. he will try to break the rules again. >> thank you both for joining us tonight. really appreciate it. and when we come back president trump's lies about career officials in the government being part of a deep state scheming against him that's the topic of an important book.

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when chuck todd asked republican senator johnson if it he trusts the cia and the fbi now, ron johnson threw out a

bunch of names of people who no longer work at the fbi. >> do you trust the fbi and cia because none of them have come to the conclusions you've come to? do you trust them now? >> who are you talking about? >> the cia and the fbi. >> i don't trust andrew mccabe, i don't trust james comey, i don't trust peter strzok, i don't trust john brennan. >> that is the essence of the trump deep-state conspiracy theory that suggests what eventually became the mueller investigation was started by fbi officials deeply prejudice against donald trump while he was running for president. attorney general barr is flying around the world investigating that himself. something we've never seen an attorney general do. william barr could save a lot of time be picking up a copy of "deep state."

it shows how russian investigation began. the president is on his way to impeachment tonight because of his obsession with that very question that was included in what he was pushing the president of ukraine to investigate. james b stewart delivers a bountiful happrvest of importan scoops including the names of the two members of the trump cabinet who deputy attorney general rod rosenstein believed would be in favor of invoking the 25th amendment to remove

donald trump from the presidency. you know, it's very hard for a book that you spent a couple years with to land dead center today's and yesterday's news with what we saw senator johnson doing on "meet the press." explain to the audience what he was trying to do. >> he's done what i've explored in "deep state" and so destructive to democratic institutions in this country, which is to attack the law enforcement agency of the united states, the department of justice, the fbi, the traditionally independent and investigative and judicial branches of government and accuse them, essentially, of being fill would traders and spies and being part of a deep state that was trying to protect its own powers and eject a democracy elected president to preserve those powers. that is so far from the truth. you think there is in a sense a

deep state in this country. there's a large bureaucracy to protect the people of the united states. they do not work for the white house and when the white house violates the constitution or does not act in the interest of the people of the united states, it's their obligation to step forward and investigate that. and it's the obligation of the whistleblower also information. >> attorney general william barr is flying around the world trying to do what your book does. he is trying to figure out how did the investigation of rush interference start, how did what became the investigation of donald trump by robert mueller, how did that all start? it's all right here. he could save a lot of time in the sky. >> and taxpayer money, i might add with god only knows what this is costing. was it started by fbi officials prejudiced against donald trump?

>> absolutely not. the last thing they wanted was to investigate a candidate for president. they're already investigating hillary clinton. now for the first time in history they were forced to investigate the other candidate as well, both at the same time. they didn't want to do that. and by the way, they didn't begin an investigation of donald trump himself. this is an important point people didn't realize. he was not the subject of the investigation until he recklessly fired james comey and lied about the reasons for it. that is what allowed trump himself to become the subject of an obstruction investigation. some of his campaign workers were subject to the investigation, but trump himself was not. by the way, it did not begin with the salacious steel dossier either. the fbi people, and i've talked to many of them, they didn't put much store in it.

and i've read it carefully as well. it has no, what you would call, actionable intelligence. it didn't say they'll be meeting next week to have further discussions. or they're plotting another release of faked tapes so they could perhaps insinuate that. it's all stuff that happened in the past. it's very odd. although some rings true, that wasn't the basis for it. and in the trump has been trying to enlist australians and trying to say what was really going on there. i mean the australians are one of the closest allies in the intelligence community. the australians got the information that the russians had, hacked e-mails from hillary clinton. they didn't do anything about it until it became demonstrably true that yes these things did exist. only then did they bring this to the attention of u.s. intelligence agents and it was perfectly responsible and

appropriate. and reluctantly the fbi plunged into this. >> this is filled with dramatic movie scenes, including after james comey was fired. rod rosenstein, in this book, is in tears with andrew mccabe, says some extraordinary things. i want to squeeze in a commercial break here. when we come back, you can tell us who those two trump cabinet members were who rod rosenstein believed were ready to join him in an attempt to remove the president with the 25th amendment. remove the president with the 25th amendment. thousands of women with metastatic breast cancer, which is breast cancer that has spread to other parts of the body, are living in the moment and taking ibrance. ibrance with an aromatase inhibitor is for postmenopausal women or for men with hr+/her2- metastatic breast cancer, as the first hormonal based therapy. ibrance plus letrozole significantly delayed disease progression versus letrozole,

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the president, rod rosenstein is thrown into an emotional tizzy. he's in discussions with andrew mccabe, he's crying. and it is in those moments where rod rosenstein says maybe i should wear a wire to record the president and as reported in this book, he said it twice. and in one of the meetings someone was taking notes. and so rod rosenstein's public claim was that was a joke or his friends said it was a joke and your witnesses say there was no evidence that was a joke. that was serious. >> that's right. he said it was a joke but if he did it was a joke. no one thought it was a joke. and there were two occasions when he said it. there were notes of the conversation. so there was more than one set of notes documenting that. there's nothing to suggest it was a joke. he's also denied saying he wanted to invoke the 25th amendment. but there are also witnesses to

that conversation. and he even named two cabinet level people who were going to support that, namely john kelly, the chief of staff, and sessions, the attorney general. >> the 25th amendment requires a majority of the cabinet plus the vice president. so he was going to begin with jeff sessions and john kelly to get the cabinet to vote to remove the president. >> it sounds like he already discussed this with them and had gotten some encouragement on that. i do think people who heard it didn't really take it all that seriously. they took it manufacture as a measure of how unnerved he was by the fact trump was trying to set him up as the person who said fire james comey. and he wanted rosenstein to come out and give a press conference sawing i'm the one who told you to fire comey, which is blatantly untrue. it was the combination and not so much that he fired him but

then that he was lying about it and then admitted it was really russia, which raises the whole obstruction issue. >> there's two scenes in this book that are not together but they in our minds come together. rod rosenstein goes into the white house after tremendous pressure and it's been revealed that he wanted to wear a wire and he's going in and everyone beli believes donald trump is going to fire him. you remind him there was split screen coverage of the kavanaugh confirmation and rosenstein going into the white house. he's not fired. the question is what did rod rosenstein say in the oval office to keep his job? and the other scene is rod rosenstein standing right there beside bill barr when the mueller report comes out, in effect demolishing the mueller report. >> there you've seen the transformation in front of our very eyes of rod rosenstein who

started out as a very respected independent prosecutor, who like many people, came into contact with trump and the price he paid for surviving was essentially to become the foot soldier for trump and stand there mutely while he heard barr make dem barr make demonstrably untrue characterizations of the mueller report. so those meet rgz critical. they were drafted the press release and he was being taken on the wood shed. the "new york times" reported he was going to wearer the wire. somehow he comes out with his job in tact. what did he say to keep his job and reassure trump? and in turn what did he do to keep mueller in the job? he was mueller's boss. what did mueller have to do or not do to keep from being fired by rosenstein? rosenstein's colleagues say in his defense his sole mission was to protect mueller.

but if the price was to clip his wings, to not let mueller insist on getting testimony from the president, as every prosecutor i know believes he should have and then for mueller to ignore the whole story of rosenstein in his report, which i'd report in the book but he didn't put in the report. and i know he knew it because rosenstein was one of the first people he interviewed. why that wasn't in there is baffling and leads the legitimate suspicions that mueller was influenced to pull some punches there. >> a real honor to have you here. the amazing reporting we've come to expect from you. thank you very much. "deep state" is the name of the book. trip, the fbi and the rule of law. this is must-read material if

you want to understand what the trump administration is still up to right now. up next chaos in the not so united kingdom by mr. chaos himself boris johnson and brexit. this is the governing chaos story we would be covering every night if we weren't covering the chaos of the trump presidency. te chaos of the trump presidency. as soon as the homeowners arrive, we'll inform them that liberty mutual customizes home insurance, so they'll only pay for what they need. your turn to keep watch, limu. wake me up if you see anything. [ snoring ] [ loud squawking and siren blaring ] only pay for what you need. ♪ liberty. liberty. liberty. liberty. ♪

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>> i have great respect for the u.k. united kingdom. great respect. people call it britain, great britain. they used to call it england. >> joining us now is the columnist for the irish times and the guardian. he's the author of "the politics of pain, post war england and the rise of nationalism." donald trump would understand at least one word in the title. england is what he wants to call it. turns out brexit is showing us it's not exactly a united kingdom. >> it sure is not. it's interesting even that trump's formulation. he didn't know what to call it. in a way, in his own kind of strange way he was hitting on some kind of truth, which is that this is a conglomeration of nations. you have northern ireland, scotland, wales and england. what we've been seeing slowly over the last 20 years is the english kind of coming up as an

english nationalism, which you recognize in america. this kind of nationalism is a real force. and it's very poorly articulated. it doesn't even know what the wants and somebody comes along and says you can kick the european union, we have an enemy over there and that will help you define who you are and if you leave the european union you'll be english and you'll be happy. of course it's not working out too well. >> in america we watch brexit. we're confused by it endlessly. we see absolute deadlines that just disappear and then there's another absolute deadline that appears. so i'm sensed that covering it as a day-to-day news story is an an inadequate way of describing what's happening over there. that's why this book is so important. because you're going into a sort of social psychology of this place, especially this place that really is called england,

that spot within the united kingdom. >> yeah, yeah. you know, it's a very old nationality. a very powerful nationality. a very proud nation. they have every reason to be proud. i'm not trying to undermine or marginalize them. but they're obsessed with two things. one is the second world war, which they still haven't properly dealt with. if you listen to politicians now, they're still talking about winston churchill, they're still talking about dunkirk, they're still talking about the blitz. they're using this language all the time, which means somehow they've never quite dealt with, what i think is their problem. they were a big part of winning the second world war and within ten years they're looking at germany, italy, japan doing better than they did. that didn't happen to america. america is coming into its own really after the second world

war whereas the brits are declining and losing empires. the other thing they've never quite come to terms with. so you have these strange psychological constructs that are still there. they just get on with their lives. but when somebody says you have a problem and i can solve the problem and give you an enemy, which will make you feel good about yourself if you just kick this enemy. and this is why it's gone nowhere because it has no positive content. this is the negative proposition it just says leave the european union and everything will be good. then you find actually undoing 50 years of history is not that easy, in fact. and you need to know where you want to go. i think the real english problem is they don't know where they want to go. >> because, you say, they are caught in a conflict with their own sense of superiority and

inferiori inferiority. >> what's the legacy of empire? you think surely this is over. but the one thing that maintains is a mentality . in an empire, you're either the top dog or you're being kicked. there's nothing in between. there's no normal state. i think the english still apply this to themselves. so they asked a question, am i dominating this? and if i'm not, it must be dominating me. this is became plausible with the european union where they could say they don't dominate us, because they don't. but if we're not dominating it, the only possibility is we're being really appallingly oppressed by it. so you get this kind of self-pity and this ridiculous charade really of saying this is like hitler, this is like stalin. it's ridiculously over the top in a way of thinking about yourself. what the english find very hard is just to be normal, just to be

what they are, versus a very decent, prosperous western european democracy. that's not enough. >> there's an incredible irony in what you describe as the last stage of british imperialism in that one of the last hunks of imperialism which is northern ireland seized territory by the empire. that is the stumbling block, the thing that no one knows how to make work within brexit, to k x complex to explain to your audience tonight, but it's so ironic that northern ireland is the thing that is holding england back from its desired brexit, if it is still desired by a majority, which is unclear. >> it's a great point. they don't really care about northern ireland. it was a nuisance and trouble and now there's no trouble and it's great and that i h. during the whole brexit

referendum campaign they just wouldn't talk about it. it's really the thing you couldn't even mention. it's the return of the oppressed. the thing you won't talk about becomes the very thing that destroys your whole project. why? because it's real. brexit is like a movie. they've written the script. it's a very simplistic story, we break free from history. but nobody breaks free from history. history is real. in our island in britain, where history really becomes real is northern ireland. that's where you still have all of this stuff as a very active, live dangerous thing and it's made it impossible for them to escape. the last throw of the dice is dumping northern ireland. what he's done for his final brexit strategy is basically say northern ireland can more or less stay in the european union and we're going the other way. can you think of any other state that would ever do that? i know a lot of people maybe in

new york might like to get rid of alabama but you wouldn't say we're going to build a border between alabama and the rest of the united states. that's essentially what johnson is doing now. of course the irony of all of this is it's a nationalist project that's going to end with the breaking up of their own state. the union really won't survive and maybe donald trump will be right after all, thinking i don't know what to call it because maybe in ten years time we might be calling it something very different. >> you cannot understand what's happening there without reading this. thank you so much. real honor to have you here. all of my real understanding of what's going on over there comes from you. thank you very much. coming up, the billionaires versus elizabeth warren. some billionaires are worried about the warren wealth tax and what it could do to their nest egg. but this year's cowinner of the nobel prize in economics will give us her expert analysis of

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we have now reached the billionaires versus elizabeth warren phase. it seems every other day a billionaire is give an microphone to express outrage at elizabeth warren's proposed wealth tax and just generally express billionaire terror about a possible elizabeth warren presidency.

last week bill gates said something that in the fractured quote world of twitter made him appear to be just another billionaire afraid of elizabeth warren. >> you know, i've paid over 10 billion in taxes. i've paid more than anyone in taxes. i'm glad to -- you know, if i had to pay 20 billion, that's fine. but when you say i should pay 100 billion, then i'm starting to do a little math about what i have left over. sorry. i'm just kidding. >> he said he was kidding but many believe he was really worried about having to pay 100 billion in wealth taxes. elizabeth warren took that opportunity to send him a tweet saying i'd love to explain exactly how much you'd pay under my wealth tax. i promise it's not 100 billion. to which bill gates wrote i greatly respect your commitment to finding ways to address welt inequality and poverty at

home. we certainly agree we need a lot of smart people committed to finding the path forward. i'm always willing to talk about creative solutions to these problem. bill gates and elizabeth warren agree much more than they disagree. you just heard bill gates say if you want to double his taxes he's cool with that and that makes bill gates more progressive on income taxation than most off the democrats running for president. bill gates stays out of politic its as much as humanly possible. he doesn't endorse candidates. he hasn't created a giant super pac with all of his wealth, but he did make clear in that interview last week that he will vote for elizabeth warren against donald trump if that's who's on the ballot next year. he made that clear when asked that specific question.

bill gates didn't name names but said the thing he would value most in a candidate is what he called a professional approach to the presidency. the audience started to laugh because obviously donald trump has the least professional approach to the presidency in history. and everybody in the room knew bill gates was saying, in effect, he would vote for the democrat no matter who it is. bill gates is one of the few billionaire whose agrees with our next guest that billionaires are undertaxed. e e est est est ester dufoe is this year's cowinner of the nobel prize in economics. and she won that by studying the way people make real economic decisions in real life. people like bill gates and people living in poverty around the world. and what she found contradicts most of what you have heard from politicians about real-world economics and her findings should be heard in the presidential campaign.

she's the second woman in history to win the nobel prize in economics and she joins us next. ♪ ♪ ♪ applebee's new sizzlin' entrées. now starting at $9.99. now that's eatin' good in the neighborhood. (little boy) he's coming! (make-a-wish volunteer) ok, he's coming, c'mon c'mon... here we go. ♪

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ask her if we can do her next wedding too! -so we'll design the insurance solution that fits your business. -on second thought, don't...ask that. the nobel prize in economics was an after thought. the first were established in 1895. 74 years later a nobel prize in economics was added in 1969. and since then only one woman had won a nobel prize.

she is the co winner for her real-world study of how economics really work withes in real people's loves and how that knowledge can be used to improve the economic lives of more people. in an echo last week bill gates gave voice to one of her important findings that contradicts much political talk about taxation. >> we can raise taxes in a lot of ways, including in a making some gifts to foundations more taxed. we have a lot of room. the current thing is not either in terms of encouraging fill lan

thr in terms of discouraging new business. we're not close to the limit. there was a time we had 70% taxation rates. >> joining us is mit economic professor, this year's co winner of the noble prize in economics. her book is "good economics for hard times." co authored with her husband who is also the co winner of this year's nobel prize in economics. thank you very much for joining us tonight. >> thank you so much. >> it must have been so exciting for you and your husband, first husband and wife team to get the nobel prize in economics. get the phone call early sunday morning? >> yes. a wonderful way to be woken up at 5:00 a.m. >> and you have no hint it's coming. people don't realize how the nobel works. >> no hints whatsoever. >> there's no nominees. let's go to what bill gates just said. it's one of the central elements of your book. the republican argument is, of

course, you must not tax anyone more than we're taxing them and if you tax these rich executives more, they'll just work less. it will be a disincentive to work if we tax them at the highest level. there's bill gates, no one who's worked higher than him who's saying there's much more room to tax us at the highest end. >> there certainly is. think about football players. in many cases, there are caps on their salaries and that doesn't stop them from trying to win. >> this is not just your opinion from observing the world. you've actually looked at salary caps on professional athletic teams in the united states versus europe where there are no salary caps. and you don't see any effort difference in the salary capped players versus the players that

don't have any salary caps at all? >> no, of course not. because winning is everything. and it's the same thing. they want to be richer. what matters is the rank. >> and this incentive issue is what you're finding throughout your research, that incentives in classical economic theory in the real world don't work the way we might think they do. for example, the argument about welfare disincentivizing people, they won't try to work if you give them welfare. what did you find about that? >> similarly they don't stop working if there are no incentives for them to work. it's been demonstrated in country after country. poor country, rich country, middle income countries. the poor are not discouraged from working. in fact, we've known that since the late '60s and '70s in the u.s. where there were the so-called negative income tax

experiment that actually gave money to the poor people and taxed it away at a rate of 50%. it had no discouraging effect on their work. it's actually a little secret that we have kept hidden. >> what's so important is you go in the field, and do real experiments to find out really how things work. and you've looked at immigration. you tell us a very different story about what immigration in the united states is doing economically. >> there is two big misconceptions about immigration. the first one is the flood gates are waiting to be open. and if immigration was more liberal, everybody would want to come to this country and the second misconception is if that happened then the poor workers in the u.s. would be poorer. in fact there's huge literature

that shows neither of these are true. first of all migration is quite low, even when there was a big crisis in greece, people mostly stayed in greece. it's not that people are waiting for an opportunity to come. people only come when they are desperate or if they're super enterprising and want to make a better life for themselves in which case we should want them to be here because they contribute to the economy. and another misconception is a lot of workers come, they will take away jobs and wages from the people here in this country. that also happens to be not true. the influx of cuban refugees in miami when they kicked out many migrant workers from california in the '60s and they show

migrants do not take away wages from native worker and this is something people do not know. >> and your mentioning a new fact i wasn't aware of of is that our internal migration rates have dropped dramatically. america used to be a place where people, we had a very high rate of people moving from place to place within the country, generally to where the jobs are. and now when jobs get wiped out in a marlow case, people are not moving the way they used to, which is what classical economic theory always said they would do, they'll just move to find a job. what if they don't? >> that's presumptions. that people would move. if i lose my job making furniture in north carolina, i can move the new york to sell furniture. but that's not true. the rate of mobility are down half of what they were in 1948.

>> we have to leave it there. congratulations on the nobel. this is a very important book "good economics for hard times." this book belongs at the center of the presidential campaign. that is tonight's "last word." "the 11th hour" with brian williams starts now. on this special thanksgiving weekend edition of "the 11th hour" we share a guide to some of our favorite books and authors of the past year, from donald trump's takeover of the republican party to kim jong-un's brutal regime in north korea, to the most brazen intelligence heist of this century and the raid that took down bin laden. greetings once again from our headquarters in new york. thanksgiving 2019 puts us at day 1,044 of the trump administration and we want to