aiden and me hail from a place called appalachia. >> appalachia? >> it's not near laramidia, is it? >> laramidia? i've heard of that place. oh, i don't think we're close to home at all. >> sounds like you two have been on a really long journey. >> you couldn't have spent it all on that raft, could you? >> could we? you folks want to hear a story? >> yeah! >> ok, then. let me tell you what happened. i was sitting, minding my own business. oh, wait. it all started with aiden. i should let him tell it. go! >> ok. well, um...it was the day of the big storm. >> that's good. yeah. >> i remember it was around breakfast time. >> go faster. faster, faster. go. >> or was it lunchtime? >> breakfast. breakfast. >> i think it-- >> ok! i don't mean any disrespect, but let me tell your part. it will go faster. so aiden here, he's on the beach, folks, and it's a beautiful beach. he's doing turtly things when this giant storm hits. >> the hurricane? >> yeah, the hurricane. big wind, tons of rain, the works. you kids... >> buddy and tiny. >> buddy and tiny, you kids, pretend to be the wind and rain.

thankfully, america's family values are kept alive in small towns like in kentucky in the heart of appalachia i can't. >> about 335-340 people. we all know each other. >> everyone knows each other. we're pro gun, hard working. country people. it's a fine town. stephen: a fine town. but for how long? meet the mayor johnny cummings. go back. too far. go back. a little more. good. >> hey, i'm johnny cummings. i'm the mayor here. [bleep] >> stephen: aren't you forgetting something. >> kentucky. stephen: no, the other thing. i am a gay man. stephen: a gay man and a gay mare destroying america. ... a gay mayor destroying america. [ cheers and applause ] >> stephen: americans count on smawn towns to uphold traditional morality. but mayor cummings is using his office to implement the gay agenda. >> he's the best one mayor we've had here is him. >> as mayor of the city, he's done an outstanding job. >> he's changed everything. made things better. >> stephen: better if you mean gayer. >> the workers went out in the middle of the night and patched the potholes. >> stephen: gay. put a new bridge to the s

that courage we can stand together for the rights of every child from the corners of-- to the hills of appalachia to get an education that stirs the mind and captures the spirit and prepares them for the world that awaits them. with that coverage we can feed the hungry and house the homeless, and transform bleak wastelands of poverty in the fields of commerce and promise. america, i know the road will be long, but i know we can get there. yes, we will stumble but i know we'll get back up. that's how a movement happens. that's how history bends. that's how when somebody is faint of heart somebody else brings them along and says come on, we're marching. there's a reason why so many who marched that day and in the days to come were young. but the young are unconstrained by habits of fear. unconstrained by the

bobby, we are going to be in appalachia by sundown. why do we do it, kahn? why do we push connie so hard? i do it because she has a lot of talent and i want what's best for her. you do it... well, frankly, i'm flummoxed. back off. push bobby. ( dismissive snort ) he doesn't like sports. he doesn't play an instrument. there's nothing to push him into. yeah. he's going to be a loser, all right. now, hold on. bobby's not a loser. for your information a lot of people think bobby's funny. the kid's only 13 years old and he's already sold a joke to this yakov smirnoff. oh, yeah? yeah. uh... "in america, they put 'in god we trust' on the money. in russia, they have no money." ( laughing ) that's funny. i hate russia. yeah. yeah, that is a good joke. it's... branson good. ♪ blue moon of kentucky ♪ ♪ keep on shinin'... aw, damn you, hank hill. i can't get that song out of my head. aah! here it goes again. ♪ blue moon of kentucky... ♪ ( fiddle playing ) ♪ keep on shinin'. kahn: ah! she's playing on the streets for lousy tourists. she should be playing at r

>> guest: as an undergrad, appalachia state in north carolina and did any graduate work at university college in london. >> host: why are you a libertarian? >> guest: i am a libertarian, ultimately, i guess there are many facets to how one could answer that question, but for me i see liberty as the goal. i think that people flourish if human beings -- as human beings when they are free, and i think we're more virtuous people when we're free, and i think cooperative arrangements based not on fear and hierarchy, but on cooperation, collaboration are much healthier relationships and, certainly, i think history has borne that out. >> host: well, max borders, your book is called "super wealth," but the subtitle is "why we should stop worrying about the gap between rich and poor." why should we stop worrying? >> guest: well, let me take a couple of examples. first of all, the gap between rich and poor is not in and of itself a bad thing. and let me, let me put it to you in the following sense. if i were to ask you -- i play a little game with my son, 6 years old, called would you rather. an

courage, we can stand together for the right of every child from the corners of anacostia to the hills of appalachia to get an education that serves the mind and catches the spirit and prepares them for the world that awaits them. [cheers and applause] with that courage, we can feed the hard-working and house the homeless and transform bleak wastelands of poverty into fields of commerce and promise. america, i know the road will be long, but i know we can get there. we will stumble, but i know we will get back up. that is how a movement happens. that is how history bands. -- bends. that is when someone says, come that's when somebody is faint of heart and tells the other, on, we are marching. there is a reason why so many who marched that day and in the days to come were young. the young are unconstrained by fear. unconstrained by the conventions of what is. they dare to dream differently, to imagine something better. i'm convinced that same imagination, the same hunger of purpose serves in this generation. we might not face the same dangers as 1963, but the fierce urgency of now remains. we may nev

there's a lot of other places in the country like camden, new jersey, anybody, appalachia and others that could use the attention in the political process, but because iowa is first, iowa gets it all from the presidential candidates, every time we pick a new president and the straw poll is the first sign of how they handle that great power and that great responsibility, and then come the iowa caucuses. actual election night. the iowa caucuses are run by the parties and not by the state government, and this past year on election night in the all-important first in the nation iowa caucuses to choose a republican nominee to run against president obama, the chairman of the iowa republican party made the announcement late after midnight on the night of the caucuses that mitt romney had won. wow, romney wins iowa. seriously? no, actually a couple weeks later same guy issued a statement saying that mitt romney hadn't actually won. maybe they were like a tie, and a couple days later, okay, ran santorum won maybe they think, and when it came time to pick delegates, they gave most of their del

courage, we can stand together for the right of every child from the corners of anacostia to the hills of appalachia, to stir the mind and capture the spirit and prepare them for the world that awaits them. >> let's take a moment to remember some of the key events of that spring and summer of 50 years ago, in april of 1963, martin luther king was arrested and jailed. there he wrote the famous letter from birmingham jail, which argued the case to break unjust laws. gaining sympathy for the civil rights movement. on june 12th mississippi's naacp field secretary medgar evers was murdered outside his home. dr. king delivered his famous i have a dream speech and on july 2nd, 1964, about the johnson signed the civil rights act of 1964, the most sweeping civil rights legislation since reconstruction. both dr. king and his father led the congregation at ebeneezer baptist church. the current pastor of that church reverend dr. rafael joins me. >> good to be with you tony. thanks so much. >> give us your reflections of this day and move on from there. >> it's been an exciting day and a thrilling week, as we ga

lyndon johnson opened up the war on poverty in appalachia. he whitened the face of poverty and deracialized. most poor people are not black or brown. they're white female and young. whether white, black or brown, hunger hurts. so to revive the war on poverty, a constitutional right to vote and keep investing in the south has a way of neutralizing some of the fears and some of the ignorance and hate that's now prevailing >> congressman, what does today mean to you? did we take a step forward today? >> we did in the sense that and you said it earlier. we're sharing the history of a great moment with a new generation. and as i have said to young people as i've spoken to them, change has always been brought about by young people. even my good friend, the reverend jesse jackson had no great hairs when he stepped out and became a part of an sclc. and operation breadbasket. napoleon if you look at alexander the great. >> you leave my hair alone. >> you still got come. that's the main thing, reverend, isn't it? >> yes. >> but most -- i mean young peo

i look at appalachia, at kentucky right down that strip that didn't like them that much. if he began to champion those people. >> look at single moms in suburbia. that's where your poverty is today. >> really? >> you don't have white ghettos the way you have black ghettos. >> these divorced women left with the kids? >> many are divorced. some are never married or widows, whatever. you've got -- that's where poverty is in the white community, not to mention, of course, all the chronically unemployed men. >> he is a great speak. >> not as comfortable with that as bill clinton, for example. but that's the way. >> you agree he needs a product. you say it's minimum wage. i say it's a big jobs bill. but something that is real, not to ends with the words. you can't end with the words. yes, quickly? >> chris, speaking of words, the one thing i would look for, will he say the word detroit. >> right. >> well, detroit is a great symbol of failure. anyway, thank you, glenn thrush. thanks for giving us the idea for the piece. what he is going took tomorrow about economic inequality, n

in the early 1960s, you said the word poverty and you had an image of maybe bobby kennedy in appalachia with a poor white family. after dr. king's speech and the march on washington, civil rights act, voting rights act, the riots in watts, and over 400 [indiscernible] poverty got a decidedly blackface. you start thinking about a black family in harlem or the southside of chicago or the west side of chicago where dr. king moved into a tenement apartment to dramatize property. dr. king became a leader in the anti-poverty movement. this had an effect. we, in the media, have our path ologies. one of them is an oversimplified view of the world. what happens is that certain people can identify with certain others and certainly there are forces of reaction that come up. joe, you are right about the regresses also known as reactionaries. i call them the radical right. george wallace was influential in shaping today's politics as anybody because he led the forces of white backlash in the mid-1860s. when dr. king moved from civil rights and race to poverty, it reminded me of a story my daddy used

we still want fair play for everybody, the poor white in appalachia and the poor blacks and the poor asian and hispanic speaking and native american and the gay and the straight, we still want it. we're willing to stand up and be counted. i love you, andrew young, and you know it. >> i love you. you are a phenomenal woman, you. >> and we love you both. >> caller: >> only one speaker from 1963, just one speak from her that march 50 years ago was here to speak today, john lewis rallied the crowd on the national mall just a few hours ago and although the goals may be different this time around, lewis' demand for action was not. here is the impassioned u.s. representative now and then. >> i am not going to stand by and let the supreme court take the right to vote away from us. [ applause ] you can not stand by. you cannot sit down. you have to stand up, speak up, speak out, and get in the way. make some noise. >> our demands, our determination, and our members, we shall stand and 1 u tho pieces and put them together in the image of god and democracy. we must say wake up, america, wake up

courage, we can stand together for the right of every child from the corners of anacostia to the hills of appalachia to get an education that serves the mind and catches the spirit and prepares them for the world that awaits them. [cheers and applause] courage, we can feed the hard-working and house the homeless and transform bleak wastelands of poverty into fields of commerce and promise. america, i know the road will be long, but i know we can get there. we will stumble, but i know we will get back up. that is how a movement happens. that is how history bands. -- bends. that is when someone says, come on. there is a reason why so many who marched that day and in the days to come were young. the young are unconstrained by fear. unconstrained by the conventions of what is. to dream differently, to imagine something better. i'm convinced that same imagination, the same hunger of in thisserves generation. we might not face the same dangers as 1963, but the fierce urgency of now remains. we may never duplicate the swelling crowds, the dazzling procession. no one can match king's brilliance. but the sam

you'd have to go to the borderlands of texas, were appalachia to find poverty that we have here. that really is a function of the agriculture we have. big industrial agriculture that concentrates well in a few hands. that depends on a constant supply of cheap labor. for most of a century, the cheap labor came from south of the border and farmers you are reaching deeper and deeper into the rural part of mexico to bring out the laborer. there had been problems with the flow now and again and that's why the farmers have reached two other people. sikhs came here to pick, armenians. chinese, japanese, mom, although they are more small farmers. and on the black okies at some point in the weight okies were brought from the south and southwest to come here and pick crops. some of them moved up the economic ladder, became tractor drivers, truck drivers, business owners. that happened with the white okies. it happened with latinos, some of them. the black okies had to leave this place to find economic asperity. the original family members who came here, the old folks remained, stayed behin

you'd have to go not border lands of texas or appalachia to find the poverty that we have here, and that really is a function of the kind of agriculture we have. we have big industrial agriculture that concentrated wealth in a few hands, and that depends on a constant supply of cheap labor, and for most of the century, that cheap labor's come from south of the border, and farmers here are reaching deeper and deeper into the rural pes cant heart of mexico to bring out the labor, but there's been problems with that flow now and again, and that's why the farmers have reached to other people. seeks came here to pick, chinese, japanese, mong, all the small farmers, and then the black oakees at some point and whites were brought from the south and southwest to come here and pick the crops. some of them moved up the economic ladder, became tractor drivers, truck drivers, business owners, that's happened with the white oakees. happened with latinos, some of them. the black oakees, though, had to leave this place to find economic prosperity, and the original family members who came here, the old

welfare was started for the people in appalachia. the first person to receive welfare was a white lady. i did not know what welfare was the 1970s. i moved from a black community in the 1950s to a 90% white community and went to a school where i had three blacks in my class but these kids were new americans, europeans, did not come here with the perception that blacks were bonita them. the white kids -- were beneath them. the white kids played with the black kids, we went to their homes and ate dinner with them. the parents did in speaking with the children spoke english and there was no racial bias -- the parents didn't speaking wish, but the children spoke in this and there's no racial highest -- no racial bias. we spread this hate to others -- host: pat -- guest: i like her. caller: one more thing -- other people can come to this country and do not have to have their voting rights reaffirm. why do our voting rights have to be reaffirmed? thank you. guest: i heard what he said about clarence thomas being a conservative and i cannot

courage, we can stand together for the right of every child from the corners of anacostia to the hills of appalachia to get an education that serves the mind and catches the spirit and prepares them for the world that awaits them. [cheers and applause] with that courage, we can feed the hard-working and house the homeless and transform bleak wastelands of poverty into fields of commerce and promise. america, i know the road will be long, but i know we can get there. we will stumble, but i know we will get back up. that is how a movement happens. that is how history bands. -- bends. that is when someone says, come on. there is a reason why so many who marched that day and in the days to come were young. the young are unconstrained by fear. unconstrained by the conventions of what is. they dare to dream differently, to imagine something better. i'm convinced that same imagination, the same hunger of purpose serves in this generation. we might not face the same dangers as 1963, but the fierce urgency of now remains. we may never duplicate the swelling crowds, the dazzling procession. no one can match k

we can make the -- most poor people -- lyndon johnson was ingenious was helping people in appalachia. if you made that into a black community, no, they don't want to work or something, most poor people in america are not black. the white, black or brown, all americans are all of god's children. so we're capable -- people cannot make a bank loan. they see the dream because they can not live beyond day-to-day survival. so the issue of a renewed commitment i think when president obama speaks, when new commitment to constitutional rights to vote, revive the war on poverty, student loan debt forgiveness, something profound, structural legislation and appropriation. >> he loved this country and i know you do, too. looking ahead, where do we go from here? >> we love the country and we made it better by fighting to make it better. you couldn't have had the carolina panthers and the atlanta falcons behind the curtain we tore down. you couldn't have had the olympics in atlanta, georgia. we tore walls down. you couldn't have had the hyundai and toyota behind the curtain. so this new south, may h

welfare was started by the people of appalachia. it was not started -- the first person to receive welfare was a white lady. not a black lady. i didn't even know what welfare was until the '70s. both my parent had good jobs. one worked with general motors, one worked with ford. i moved from a 99% black community in the '50s to 98% white community. went to school where i had three blacks. the kids were yearen, they didn't come here -- blacks were beneath them. the white kids play with the black kids. we went to their homes. we ate dinner with them. their parents didn't speak english but the children if. there was no racial bias until they became really americans. we spread this hate to others. another thing want to say. >> host: pat, very quickly. >> guest: i like her. >> caller: yes. one more thing. other people can come to this country and they don't have to have their voting right reaffirmed. why do our voting rights have to be affirmed? thank you. >> guest: well, yeah, i heard what you said about clarence thomas being a conservat

courage, we can stand together for the right of every child from the corners of anacostia to the hills of appalachia to get an education that serves the mind and catches the spirit and prepares them for the world that awaits them. [cheers and applause] with that courage, we can feed the hard-working and house the homeless and transform bleak wastelands of poverty into fields of commerce and promise. america, i know the road will be long, but i know we can get there. we will stumble, but i know we will get back up. that is how a movement happens. that is how history bands. -- bends. that is when someone says, come on. there is a reason why so many who marched that day and in the days to come were young. the young are unconstrained by fear. unconstrained by the conventions of what is. they dare to dream differently, to imagine something better. i'm convinced that same imagination, the same hunger of purpose serves in this generation. we might not face the same dangers as 1963, but the fierce urgency of now remains. we may never duplicate the swelling crowds, the dazzling procession. no one can match k

he opened the war on poverty in appalachia. most poor people in america not black, not brown, they are white female, and young. we all matter. by widening the base of poverty, you have to deracialize the base. even right-wing voted for food stamps because he deracialized. they could take the program back south. no matter what the position was. dr. king was doing with the structures of -- how to move our government, choose -- that's different than individual initiative. and fellow man. i'm saying flesh and blood is significant. [applause] our sisters and old -- is as low as -- let me go together and get some smart one. right. >> those who have no blemish in the character. they have no reputation. they haven't been in jail or anything like that. they score high on tests and -- that was -- we bring them over and put them on the king's table. the king's menu. i shall teach them. the language and menu. it's about the rest of them. of course they can. it's those that department consider in the first place. it's not our dream equal. h

s policies have real world consequences, annual coal production in central appalachia is dropping sharply by more than half in five years' time. there are towns where mines are shutting down, where a staggering 41% of the residents fall below the poverty line. the social cost of carbon and the wider war on coal is a war on the american worker and their family. let me show you the real cost of the e.p.a.'s rules. those who oppose this amendment ignore the health effects of those living in poverty who are twice as likely to have a risk of depression, asthma, obesity, diabetes, heart attack, and other health effects. poverty leads to devastated communities, early death, the loss dreams of a generation of americans and their children. many of us can remember bobby kennedy's walkthrough the broken appalachian coal towns back in the 1960's to illustrate the abject poverty where families and children were living. i worked and volunteered in those towns, trying to help families hang on to some sort of semblance of hope in a hard scrabble life. i yield myself additional time. the chair: the gentle

we still want fair play for everybody, the poor white in appalachia and the poor blacks and the poor asian and hispanic speaking and native american and the gay and the straight, we still want it. we're willing to stand up and be counted. i love you, andrew young, and you know it. >> i love you. you are a phenomenal woman, you. >> and we love you both. >> caller: >> only one speaker from 1963, just one speak from her that march 50 years ago was here to speak today, john lewis rallied the crowd on the national mall just a few hours ago and although the goals may be different this time around, lewis' demand for action was not. here is the impassioned u.s. representative now and then. >> i am not going to stand by and let the supreme court take the right to vote away from us. [ applause ] you can not stand by. you cannot sit down. you have to stand up, speak up, speak out, and get in the way. make some noise. >> our demands, our determination, and our members, we shall stand and 1 u tho pieces and put them together in the image of god and democracy. we must say wake up, america, wake up

welfare was started for the people in appalachia. the first person to receive welfare was a white lady. i did not know what welfare was both my parents. had good jobs. one worked for general motors and one worker for. ford.ked for i moved from a black community in the 1950s to a 90% white community and went to a school where i had three blacks in my class but these kids were new americans, europeans, did not come here with the perception that blacks were beneath them. the white kids played with the black kids, we went to their homes and ate dinner with them. the parents did in speaking with the children spoke english and there was no racial bias -- the -- there was no racial bias until they really became american. host: pat -- guest: i like her. caller: one more thing -- other people can come to this country and do not have to have their voting rights reaffirmed. why do our voting rights have to be reaffirmed? thank you. guest: i heard what he said about clarence thomas being a conservative and i cannot speak for him. he doesn't spea

in the early 1960s, you said the word poverty and you had an image of maybe bobby kennedy in appalachia with a poor white family. after dr. king's speech and the march on washington, civil rights act, voting rights act, the riots in watts, and over 400 [indiscernible] poverty got a decidedly blackface. you start thinking about a black family in harlem or the southside of chicago or the west side of chicago where dr. king moved into a tenement apartment to dramatize property. dr. king became a leader in the anti-poverty movement. this had an effect. we, in the media, have our path ologies. one of them is an oversimplified view of the world. certainpens is that people can identify with certain others and certainly there are forces of reaction that come up. joe, you are right about the regresses also known as reactionaries. i call them the radical right. was influential in shaping today's politics as anybody because he led the forces of white backlash in the mid-1860s. civilr. king moved from rights and race to poverty, it reminded me of a story my daddy used to tell me about a preacher wh

he opened up the war on poverty in appalachia. most people in america are not black, not brown. they are white, female and young. whether white, black or brown, we all matter. by flattening the base of poverty, you had to de- you hadized the base to right-wing congressman voting for food stamps. dealing with the structures, the move by government to drop bread instead of bombs. -- it is a way of saying that flesh and blood is significant. the powers and principalities, the different level of structure was applied. publicnot offset a major school closing with your private charter school in your church. [applause] as old --st this is those who haveas no blood finish -- no blemishing will bring them here [indiscernible] i will bring them over and i will put them on the king's table, the kings menu and i shall teach them the kings language and the kings menu. contemptuous of where they came from. the issue is not to make three smart boys get smarter. the issues for the rest of them. the issue is not canned some kids do better in some schools -- of course they can. it is not our drea