it's a year since sinn fein's martin mcguinness resigned as deputy first minister, bringing down the power sharing executive at stormont. he died two months later, and there's been no progress in attempts to restore power sharing. here's our northern ireland political editor mark devenport — his report contains flashing images. hospitals across the uk are struggling to cope with the pressures of winter, but patients in northern ireland face some of the longest waits for emergency treatment. meanwhile, without government ministers, a blueprint for reorganising the local health service can't be put into practise. there's no doubt that the nhs across the uk is challenged, but i think what makes northern ireland different and what nurses say is different is that they feel they have been let down by the leadership in the system, and secondly by the fact there is no political leadership in the country. the stalemate at stormont goes back a year, to when sinn fein's martin mcguinness quit as deputy first minister. that triggered the collapse of the power—sharing government at stormont.

it's a year since sinn fein's martin mcguinness resigned as deputy first minister, bringing down the power sharing executive at stormont. the sinn fein politician died two months later, and there's been no progress in attempts to restore power sharing. here's our northern ireland political editor mark devenport. this report contains flashing images. this report contains flashing images. hospitals across the uk are struggling to cope with the pressures of winter, but patients in northern ireland face some of the longest waits for emergency treatment. meanwhile, without government ministers, a blueprint for reorganising the local health service can't be put into practise. there's no doubt that the nhs across the uk is challenged, but i think what makes northern ireland different and what nurses say is different is that they feel they have been let down by the leadership in the system, and secondly by the fact there is no political leadership in the country. the stalemate at stormont goes back a year, to when sinn fein's martin mcguinness quit as deputy first minister. that triggered th

martin mcguinness was a freedom fighter! even now, there's still no sign of a breakthrough so that power—sharing can be restored at stormont. saving for a rainy day, chancellor? back in london, philip hammond gave the first of his two budgets this year. theresa may was really looking forward to it, as the chancellor said it would prepare britain for brexit. it provides a strong and stable platform for those negotiations. "strong and stable" — a phrase we'd all get bored of. on 22nd march, a terrorist ploughed through pedestrians on westminster bridge, killing four and injuring 50. he then stabbed to death a policeman just outside the houses of parliament. he was later shot dead. the first three months of the year in westminster and beyond had already provided plenty to fill the airwaves and the newspapers. and then, a surprise announcement no—one saw coming. i have just chaired a meeting of the cabinet, where we agreed that the government should call a general election to be held on the 8th ofjune. every vote for the c

the stalemate at stormont goes back a year to when sinn fein's martin mcguinness quit as deputy first minister. that triggered the colla pse minister. that triggered the collapse of the power—sharing government at stormont. relations between sinn fein and their democratic unionist coalition partners soured over the dup's handling of a scandal concerning renewable heating scheme. the row widened with unionists resisting sinn fein's demand for better legal protection for the irish language. this characterisation of we should have given something to sinn fein to keep them appeased is not the way i do business. if you feed a crocodile it will keep coming back looking for more. after martin mcguinness is's death madge arlene foster shook hands with his successor but the two leaders haven't proved able to ove rco m e leaders haven't proved able to overcome their differences. the dup now hold the balance of power on the green benches at westminster but back at stormont, the blue benches of the northern ireland assembly remain empty with soulful servers running the administration on a dayâ€

a year ago today, the late martin mcguinness resigned as stormont‘s deputy first minister. his party, sinn fein, and the democratic unionists have since been unable to reach an agreement to restore the power—sharing coalition. civil servants have been running northern ireland, but they're not able to make any major decisions. 0ur ireland correspondent, chris page, has been looking at the impact of 12 months without government. just like everywhere else in the uk, the health service in northern ireland is under severe pressure this winter, but what's different here is that there's no health minister. three months before it collapsed, the devolved government published a plan to restructure the nhs after a report said the system was at breaking point. no problem with your blood pressure before? no. this gp says urgent reforms are being held up because ministers are out of office. we already see it with the long waiting lists for secondary care. we see it with the lack of investment in social care. we see it with the issues around the out of hours service and we see it with t

mcguinness became first minister and deputy first minister. of what northern ireland has now is not so much peace as an absence of conflict far from disappearing the walls have grown instead of reconciliation there is partition and tempered stalemate of separate identities and separated lives there is huge pressure surgery in very large particularly working her three. kids going to school in different schools. schooling of course and school. would just not mix. consequence of the rules and the moves the segregation divisions were there before the war and the kind of fade into that and the further segregation was continued from there so we're now in a situation where there's more than. thirteen years of the peace process and there was a conflict. segregation is a fact of life of life and of over thirty five years of trouble. and people aren't going to get over that very very quickly or very easily. the first of the so-called peace lines began the bomb was rolled out by the british army to separate the warring communities in one thousand nine hu

mcguinness became first minister and deputy first minister. of what northern ireland has now is not so much peace as an absence of conflict far from disappearing the walls have grown instead of reconciliation there is partition and tempered stalemate of separate identities and separated lives there is huge pressure surgery in very large for treatment. working through. kids going to school in different schools country schooling all foreigners in school it would just not mix. consequence of the rules in the moves the segregation divisions were there before the war and the kind of fit into that and the further segregation was continued from that so we're now in a situation where there's more. of the peace process and there was a conflict. segregation is a fact of life of life and of over thirty five years of trouble. and people aren't going to get over that very very quickly or very easily. the first of the so-called peace began the bomb was rolled out by the british army to separate the warring communities in one thousand nine hundred sixty nine

mcguinness became first minister and deputy first minister. has now is not so much peace as an absence of conflict far from disappearing the walls have grown instead of reconciliation there is partition and all tempered stalemate of separate identities and separated lives there is huge mess and surgery in very large particularly the working. kids going to school in different schools structures cooling off orders from schools where it would just not mix. consequence of the moves in the wars the segregation divisions were there before the war and the kind of trade interaction and for the circulation which continued from there so we're now in a situation where there's more. thirteen years of the peace process when there was truly a conflict. segregation a fact of life of life another thirty five years of trouble a mother a people aren't going to get over the very very quickly or very easily. the first of the so-called peace lines began the bomb was rolled out by the british army to separate the warring communities in one thousand nine hundred six

mcguinness became first minister and deputy first minister. of what northern ireland has now is not so much peace as an absence of conflict far from disappearing the walls have grown instead of reconciliation there is partition and tempered stalemate of separate identities and separated lives there is huge pressure surgery in very large particularly the working group three. kids going to school in different. scorning of quarter century. would just not mix. consequence of the rules in the movie the segregation divisions were there before the war and the movies kind of fit into that and the further segregation was continued from there so we're now in a situation where there's more segregation. of the peace process and there was during the conflict. segregation is a fact of life of life and of over thirty five years of trouble. and people aren't going to get over the very very quickly or very easily. the first of the so-called peace lines began the bomb was rolled out by the british army to separate the warring communities in one thousand nine hu

martin mcguinness ended sinn fein‘s uneasy partnership with the democratic unionists when he resigned as deputy first minister. there have since been elections to stormont and westminster and several rounds of talks to restore power—sharing. but many days of negotiations have failed to break the deadlock. the dup and sinn fein increased their dominance in both elections last year and they blame each other for the stormont stalemate. in the meantime, unmade decisions are piling up. half of the construction industry‘s business comes from public sector projects. workers are concerned about a downturn in demand. within the next few months, unless decisions are made and projects and things start to move forward, i think we could see a situation where we‘re seeing layoffs in the construction industry. we need to see the executive and the assembly reestablished as soon as possible. the british and irish governments are aiming to restart talks between the parties in the coming weeks. at the moment, there‘s no sign of a deal to bring devolution out of the deep freeze. chris page, bbc n

a year ago today, the late martin mcguinness resigned as stormont‘s deputy first minister. his party, sinn fein, and the democratic unionists have since been unable to reach an agreement to restore the power—sharing coalition. civil servants have been running northern ireland — but they're not able to make any major decisions. annita mcveigh has been spending the day at stormont reflecting on the past 12 months. iam here i am here in the great hall at stormont, extremely quiet. a shadow really of the place it once was a year ago. what's happened in the last year, well, amongst other things, a series of pretty elastic deadlines set by the previous secretary of state, james brokenshire, deadlines that passed really without any sort of sanction for a lack of progress and so that's the sort of situation that the new secretary of state karen bradley now finds herself at the helm of, whether she can inject any momentum, any new ideas to make a change, well, we have to see when she arrives here and gets talking properly to the parties. with a look back first of all at how we g

it is one year since martin mcguinness resigned as the deputy first minister of northern ireland bringing down the stormont government. the big question is whether it would be possible to get members of the power—sharing executive back into the building behind me. especially given the bad blood that exists between the main parties the dup and sinn fein. yesterday when the former secretary of state james brokenshire released his resignation letter he said northern ireland was well into overtime to try to get this executive up and running. and further intervention would not be neededin further intervention would not be needed in other words, a return to direct rule. so the new secular state karen bradley has got a challenging job ahead and a very full entry. —— in tray. this is outside source live from the bbc newsroom. our lead story is... north korea has offered to send a delegation including athletes and journalists to next month's winter olympics in south korea. the offer was made at the first talks in two years between the north and the south. zimbabwe's anti—corruption agency

it's a year since sinn fein's martin mcguinness resigned as deputy first minister, bringing down the power sharing executive at stormont. he died two months later, and there's been no progress in attempts to restore power sharing. my colleague annita mcveigh is at stormont for us. clive, hello. iam here in clive, hello. i am here in the great hall at stormont. extremely quiet, a shadow of the place it once was one year ago and what has happened in the last year, among other things, a series of pretty elastic deadlines, deadlines that have passed without any sort of sanction for a lack of progress and that is the situation that the new secretary of state now finds herself at the helm. whether she can inject any momentum or any new ideas to make a change, we have to see when she arrives here and gets talking properly to the parties. with a look back first of all at how we got to this point, here is our ireland correspondent. just like everywhere else in the uk, the health services under severe pressure. what is different here is that there is no health minister. three months before it

martin mcguinness resigned as deputy prime minister, pooling sinn fein out of power—sharing with the democratic unionists. the deadlock has not been broken. karen bradley chose a symbolic location for her first visit here, the titanic quarter of belfast. the old industrial heartland where the famous liner was built. no major tourist attraction. in recent years, this whole area has been redeveloped. new studios where game of redeveloped. new studios where game 0f thrones is filmed, for example. behind me, belfast metropolitan college, where she visited students. she was trying to put the emphasis on she wants to look to the future, make the future of northern ireland different and better. however, you could say the politics still have the echoes of the past, division and deadlock. questions from reporters, she was determined to restore government as soon she was determined to restore government as soon as she was determined to restore government as soon as possible. she has already spoken to some of the major politicians here. she will hold further meetings this afternoon. no doubt ev

and this medieval the one—year anniversary of the late martin mcguinness stepping down as deputy first minister. there has been a failure in the year since then to get the devolved assembly up and running again. if you take into account the rather complicated picture with the dup backing theresa may and the delicate nature of the thames to get talks running again and northern ireland, —— the attempts, it is potentially a very difficult situation or potentially an opportunity. it is a critical post for all those reasons. to try and get stormont up and running again, but also because of the brexit element, the fact that theresa may has to ensure good relations with the dup after she in effect overruled them to get the first stage of brexit negotiations up first stage of brexit negotiations up and running, even though they we re up and running, even though they were clearly u nha ppy up and running, even though they were clearly unhappy with the deal that was eventually reached about alignment with the eu. also critical because we know the whole element of ireland will be an absolute