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The San Francisco Examiner (San Francisco, California) : 


Afghan drug traffic 
escapes Bush’s notice 


U.S. Declines to Probe 
Afghan Drug Trade 
ral — Washington Post headline, 
° On May 15, 1984, George Herbert Walk- 
er Bush, vice president of the United 
States, former director of the Central 
Intelligence Agency and anti-drug warlord of the 
Reagan administration, visited Pakistan. He was the 
first ranking U.S. official to come to Islamabad since 
the tyrant Gen. Mohammad Zia ul-Haq took power at 
the barrel of a gun in 1977. 

Gen. Zia’s gratitude knew few bounds, and the vice 
president was treated like royalty. At a magnificent 
state banquet, George Bush rose to acknowledge the 
applause of the Pakistani generals beribboned before 

im and praised the Zia government’s anti-narcotics 

efforts as a “personal” satisfaction to him in his ap- 
pointed role as America’s head narc. 

The general beamed in self-congratulation. 


When Bush left Pakistan kistan’s anti-drug stance, that 


GEORGE 
BUSH 
AND THE 


hree days later, he announced nation was providing as much as 
70 percent of the high-grade her- 
oin entering the world market. 


Most of the dope came cour- 
tesy of an elite Pakistani mili- 
tary unit that managed the truck 
convoys carrying the CIA’s arms 
to Afghanistan, touted as the 


in extraordinary outpouring 
rom the U.S. treasury — $3.2 
pillion in new U.S. military aid, 
d another $2 billion for the 
Pakistani army providing the 
rms pipeline to the CIA-sup- 
lied Afghan rebels. 


At the time Bush praised Pa- 


‘largest CIA “covert op” since the 


ap ly tal fa 


profits were spread throughout 
the military hierarchy. 
Pakistan’s role in transport- 
ing raw opium gum from Af- 
ghanistan and processing it in 
laboratories in southwest Paki- 
stan was well known in the Eu- 
ropean intelligence community, 
It was also known to the Ameri- 
can Drug Enforcement Adminis- 
tration (DEA) and the CIA. The 
question is, how did then-Vice 
President Bush, a former CIA 
director who as head of the Na- 
tional Narcotics Border Inter- 
diction System was privy to 
world-wide narcotics intelli- 
gence, not know what was hap- 
pening in Pakistan? And why 
would he be instrumental in re- 
warding such a dope-pushing re- 
gime with $5 billion in military 
aid? Was the vice president na- 
ive, or did he know too much? 


Time passes. Last Sunday, 
the Washington Post front- 
paged a story documenting how 
the Bush administration was 
failing to act on persistent re- 
ports of drug trafficking by Af- 
ghan rebels and Pakistani mili- 
tary. “The U.S. government has 
for several years received, but 
declined to investigate, reports 
of heroin trafficking by some Af- 
ghan guerrilla and Pakistani mil- 
itary officers with whom it coop- 
erates in the war against Soviet 
influence in Afghanistan,” the 
Post story began. 


It was an impressive example 
of journalism, but it was a story 
that was news perhaps only to 
the Washington Post. It certain- 
ly was nothing new to critics of 
the CIA’s history of cooperating 
with drug-dealing nations for 
Cold War purposes — a body of 
literature that goes back to Al- 
fred McCoy’s 1972 classic study, 


“The Politics of Heroin in 
pty - > pre share rend 


~ made the “War on Drugs” a cor- 


nerstone of its foreign and do- 
mestic policy. 

How indeed could George 
Bush's State Department, CIA 
and DEA look the other way on 


-Pakistan’s role in 
transporting 
opium from 

istan and 

processing it in 
southwest 

Pakistan was 

well known ... 


heroin profiteering by our Gold- 
en Crescent allies when Presi- 
dent Bush’s drug czar, William 
Bennett, was asking Americans 
to surrender some of their basic 
constitutional rights, including 
the right not to be unreasonably 
searched, in the name of the war 
against drugs? 

And what sort of answers 
could be given now that the pri- 
mary apology of the past, that 
Cold War realities had to take 
precedence over drug war tac- 
tics, was already in the grave? 

The answers to those ques- 
tions tell a lot about the hypocri- 
sy of American foreign policy, 
but they tell even more about the 
current president of the United 
States. George Bush is the only 
figure in public life who has been 
a key player in the drug wars of - 
three administrations — begin- 
ning with assignments he took 
on for the Nixon administration 





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in the early 1970s. 
Since the Nixon years, both 
the rubric and the machinery of 


’ the “war against drugs” have 


been used for a variety of pur- 
poses other than stopping the 
flow of drugs. It has been used t« 
conceal intelligence operations, 
to cover up covert action and 
foreign policy failures, and as a 
front for counter-insurgency ad. 
ventures in other countries, as is 
currently happening in Peru. 
Although the most benign ex 
planation for Bush’s passivity to 
the Afghan rebel-Pakistani drug’ 
connection would be naivete, 
president is not a naive man. In- 
deed, he is the only American 
president who can claim the 
friendships of both the former 
U.S. undercover head of the 
Shah of Iran’s fierce secret po- 
lice, SAVAK, and the Cuban ex- 
ile CIA adventurer who was in 
on the kill of Che Guevara. 
Bush also has previously un- 
appreciated skills as a snake-oil 
salesman. When the president 
announced his war on drugs to 
the nation from the Oval Office 
last fall, he held up for the bene- 
fit of the national television au- 
dience a bag of crack cocaine he 
said had been purchased in La- 
fayette Park, across the street 
from the White House. When 
the bust of the White House 
crack dealer turned out to be a 
setup and a phony, Bush mo- 
mentarily lost his legendary cool 
and testily asked inquiring re- 
porters whose side they were on 
— the president of the United 
States, or some “drug guy.” 
The nation’s many wars 
against drugs have been used to 
distract Americans from other 
realities of politics. The fact that 
George Bush began his third 
term in the war on drugs with a 
lie has the virtue of consistency. 
In a series of Thursday arti- 
cles through the coming months, 
this column will examine George 
Bush’s coats of many colors in 
the drug wars. Bob Callahan 
provided research assistance. 





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Another Vietnam 


brewing in Peru? 


The anti-drug campaign will automatically be an anti- 
guerrilla campaign as well. 
— Argentine death squad minister Lopez Rega, 1974 


At midnight on April 7, leftist Peruvian 
guerrillas attacked a heavily fortified 
command post on the front lines of 
DRUG George Bush’s war on drugs in the Up- 
WARS per Huallaga Valley, the coca leaf capital 

e of the world. The early morning firefight 

in the Andean highlands lasted 85 min- 

utes. American pilots flew U.S.-made he- 

licopter gunships over the jungle as Peruvian police 
fired door-mounted M-60 machine guns at the invad- 

ers below. 

There was a whiff of Vietnam in the air, and in the 
body count: Officials in Lima announced there were 60 
dead and 70 wounded among the Shining Path guerril- 
las, but no casualties among the U.S. and Peruvian 
forces at the Santa Lucia anti-drug base. 

It was the first combat involving Americans in the 
Bush administration’s war $35 million military aid package 
against the Andean coca grow- that includes fighter planes, heli- 
ers, who supply most ofthe raw _copters, boats and a permanent 
material for cocaine. A week lat- Green Beret base in the contest- 
er, the State Department said ed jungle near Santa Lucia. Crit- 
that Green Berets were being ics such as Sen. John Kerry, D.- 
sent to Peru totrainthe Peruvi- Mass., questioned supporting a 
an armed forces who arenowin _ military with the worst human 
their 10th year of a fierce guerril- _ rights record in the hemisphere 
la war with the Shining Path, a against a popular insurgency, 
well-disciplined, self-styled Mao- and made the Vietnam analogy 
ist band that enjoys wide support — in Peru, American advisers 
among the coca-growing peas- want to spray the herbicide 
ants. Spike instead of Agent Orange. 

To expand the drug war in History is indeed repeating it- 

self in Peru — the history of the 


Peru’s Upper Huallaga Valley, 
the United Statescommitteda _little-remembered 1965 CIA- 


GEORGE 
BUSH 
AND THE 


Green Beret intervention in Peru 
that entailed building what one 
observer called a “mini-Fort 
Bragg” in the East Andes jungle. 
The CIA secretly financed a . 
paramilitary camp replete with 
jump towers, mess halls and bar- 
racks, counterinsurgency class- 
rooms and amphibious landing 
facilities. 

The goal then, as now, was to 
crush a growing guerrilla rebel- 
lion, something the Green Berets 
directing Peruvian troops did 
with dispatch in 1965. It was the 
CIA’s largest Latin American 
military operation since the Bay 
of Pigs and it went virtually un- 
noticed. George Bush’s re-dis- 
patching of Green Berets to Peru 
25 years later — with Drug En- 
forcement Administration 
agents filling the role CIA agents 
played in 1965 — is a classic ex- 
ample of using the war against 
drugs as a rationale to put Amer- 
icans on the ground in foreign 
lands to battle revolutionary 
movements Washington sees as 
against its interests. 

The morning line in Washing- 
ton is that Americans will be in- 
creasingly involved in ground 
combat in Peru in incidents like 
the April 7 firefight — a Green 
Beret jungle compound on their 
turf is an attractive nuisance to 
the Shining Path. But Bush poli- 
cy makers are betting that an 
American public that won't buy 
another Vietnam will tolerate 
military adventurism that is ex- 
plained as a dirty but necessary 
part of the War Against Drugs. 

Bush’s putative goal of stop- 
ping coca production in Peru is 
an exercise in make-believe. Peru 
is a nation hell-bound for Chap- 
ter 11, and cocaine is its main 
cash crop and only growth indus- 
try. For Peru to eradicate coca 
production when the rest of its 
economy is in shambles would be 
economic suicide. Bush’s goal is 
self-defeating because without 
the narcodollars that fill its 


banks, Peru would have to de- 
fault on repayment of its enor- 
mous foreign debt to American 
banks, run up by the nation’s 
greedy military dictatorship in a 
binge of borrowing in the 1970s. 
But it’s not a real war on drugs 
that’s being fought in Peru. It’s a 
show war that gives the fascist 
Peruvian military tens of mil- 
lions of U.S. taxpayers’ dollars to 
squander on torture and related 
pursuits — for the third consecu- 


The moming line 
in Washington is 


Peru in incidents 
like the Apnil 7 
firefight . . . 


tive year Peru leads Latin Amer- 
ican nations in the number of 
“disappeared” — and gives the 
United States a military pres- 
ence in another Third World 
country. 

The concept that the military 
can win a war on drugs is also a 
chimera, although a useful one 
for the Pentagon in a world 
where red is suddenly dead. A 
Department of Defense report 
says that a 24-hour surveillance 
of the Florida-to-California bor- 
der would require a third of the 
Navy’s fleet, more radar planes 
than the United States has, de- 
ploy as many as 100 battalions 
and cost a billion dollars a year. 
And that’s only talking about the 
southern border of the nation. 

' The militarizing of the war on 
drugs puts George Bush higher 


George Bush and the Drug Wars #2 


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in the saddle of a white horse he 
has been riding for almost 20 
years — the many-splendored 
and elastic-in-purpose drug war. 
Bush has been involved in the 
war on drugs through three ad- 
ministrations, his baptism com- 
ing in 1971 as a member of Rich- 
ard Nixon’s now notorious Cabi- 
net Committee on International 
Narcotics Control. This select 
group included such grand old 
names as John Mitchell and Egil 
Krogh and out of it grew the 
White House plumbers and the 
hydra-headed monster known as 
Watergate. The committee was 
the instrument whereby the CIA 
was brought into the war on 
drugs, drug enforcement become 
a matter of “national security” 
and national security a blanket 
excuse for law-breaking. 

The committee also blessed 
the cross-over of many CIA co- 
vert action operatives into what 
became the Drug Enforcement 
Administration, which served as 
a cover for illegal CIA domestic 
actions and brought the shadowy 
network of anti-Castro Cubans, 
left over from the Bay of Pigs in- 
vasion, men primed for crime 
and violence, into government 
service. 

In Bush’s early days in the 
drug wars, the policy now opera- 
tive in Peru — that anti-drug ef- 
forts are anti-leftist guerrilla ef- 
forts — was formulated. 
Through all the years since, 
Bush never turned his sights on 
the commingling of rightist 
death squads and drug profits, 
particularly in Latin America 
and developed a masterful ability 
to see only what he wants to see. 


Ina series of Thursday arti- 


cles through the coming months, 
this column will examine George 
Bush’s coats of many colors in 


the drug wars. Bob Callahan and 


John Hill provided research as- 
sistance. 





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The San Francisco Examiner (San Francisco, California) : 


HINCKLE 


Thomburgh joins 
drug-secrets game 


Some of the documents that you sent to us are almost il- 
legible. From our review of Agency materials, we know 
that good copies could have been provided. 

— Richard Thornburgh’s testy note - 


to George Bush's CIA, 1976 


Attorney General Richard Thornburgh 

GEORGE had cut a deal. The federal government 

; would front Panamanian narco-dictator 

Manuel Antonio Noriega’s multimil- 
lion-dollar legal fees in return for the 
jailed despot’s attorneys withdrawing 
embarrassing subpoenas for Noriega’s 
CIA payroll stubs. 

But last Friday in federal District Court in Miami, 
Judge William Hoeveler fouled Thornburgh on a tech- 
nicality. He ruled that the thin purse of the Criminal 
Justice Act that permits the government to finance the 
defense of indigent defendants could not be stretched 
to convenience Noriega’s pricey $250- to $300-an-hour 


attorneys. 


The former Panamanian ruler is widely assumed to 


be filthy rich but the U.S. 
government has put liens on all 
of his known bank accounts. The 
arrangement presented to the 
court earlier last week by 
Thornburgh’s Justice 
Department would have had the 
taxpayers advance the 
considerable cost of his defense 
on the basis of a promissory note 
signed by the imprisoned 
general. 

Had the deal not been 
aborted, Thornburgh might 
have succeeded in keeping sealed 
the doubtless fascinating secret 
records of Noriega’s intimate 
business relationship with U.S. 
intelligence since he began to 
inform on Panamanian leftists 
back in the gray ages of the 
Eisenhower administration. 

The concordat with Noriega’s 
cash-starved lawyers that was 
crafted by Thornburgh’s men 
was both legally ingenious and 
politically sensitive. In any 
public accounting, Thornburgh’s 
boss, President Bush, would 
have been revealed as one of the 
paymasters of the narco-general. 

When he headed the CIA in 
1976, Bush so valued Noriega as 
an agency “asset” that he 
rebuffed attempts to have the 
dope-dealing militarist’s ties 
with the CIA severed. At the 
time, Noriega had been caught 


According to a recent book on 
Noriega, the general continued 
in his $100,000-a-year CIA 
sinecure. That figure rose to a 
widely reported $200,000 a year 
during the Reagan-Bush 
administration. 

“U.S. To Pay for Noriega 
Defense” was the way the story 


the mat with Bush to pry CIA 
records loose while Justice 
involving more than 100 
CIA and DEA agents for 


in 1976 (he barely beat out 
then-Solicitor General Robert 
H. Bork and Supreme Court 
Justice Byron White for the job), 
the agency was on the ropes after 


’ the mid-’70s revelations of 


dark side of Nene s financial 
dealings with Washington had 
not become clear until late in the 
day in Miami federal court, after 
many media deadlines. 

The incomplete story made it 
appear that the government's 
paramount interest was in 
guaranteeing Noriega a fair trial, 
rather than getting purchase on 
a cover-up. This served to 
advance Thornburgh’s 
reputation as a liberal 
Republican, although the 
political reality of his 
stewardship of the Justice 
Department has been to 
promote the cause of secrecy in 
government with more art but 
no less zeal than his bumbling 


OS Salil Sr Selo wala $olehelr hale Soletoch Soleh 


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share-rental assassination plots 
with the Mafia and illegal 
domestic spying on radlibs. 
Thornburgh was in charge of 
Justice’s prosecution of former 
CIA director Richard Helms for 


It also discussed deep-cover C: 
operations in a 
Washington DEA safe house in 
duplex apartment not far from 
the White House that was 
controlled by a legendary CIA 
agent and drug wars veteran 
named Lucien Conein. 
Right-wing congressmen we: 
anxious to lay hands on the 
DeFeo report to use it as a 
vehicle to sabotage negotiation 
with the Panamanian 
government over the Panama 
Canal. But they were 
stonewalled by Thornburgh, 


“Mr. Clean” attorney general 
nominee to replace the m adaied 
Meese 


Thornburgh, who had writte 
a memorandum about keeping 
the DeFeo secrets from 
Congress, assured inquiring 
congressmen that he would turn 
over the now-ancient Justice 
Department report to them wit 
dispatch. He never did. 

Last month Thornburgh 
became the first known attorne 
general to take a lie detector test 


while in office. Thornburgh took! 


* the test voluntarily as part of an 


(Bush was so cavalier as to write 
Helms and warn him, against 
Justice Department 
admonitions, of the case forming 
against him.) 

When Bush’s stonewalling 
took the form of sending illegible 
copies of documents to Justice, a 
piqued Thornburgh asked the 
Ford White House to order Bush 

to comply; the White House so 
ordered, but Bush still did not 





internal Justice Department 
investigation into a cover-up by 
his closest aides over leaks to the 
media. He passed easily. 
Anyone who has helped 
George Bush cover up drug war 
secrets for so many years has 
little to fear from a polygraph. 


Ina series of Thursday 
articles through the coming 
months, this column will 
examine George Bush’s coats of 
many colors in the drug wars. 

Bob Callahan and John Kelly « 
provided research assistance. 


George Bush and the Drug Wars #3 





31 May 1990, 


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HINCKLE 


Death squads in =, 
Washington, D.C. 


Are you the wife of Orlando Letelier? 
Yes, 


No, you are his widow. 


‘ _ ‘Telephone call to Isabel Letelier, 
moments after her husband’s murder 

On April 11, following a 12-year man- 
hunt, the FBI arrested Jose Suarez, a fu- 
gitive Cuban exile suspected of detonat- 
ing the car bomb that killed former Chil- 
ean envoy Orlando Letelier in 
Washington, D.C. The 1976 explosion on 
Embassy Row was a brutal political act 

that brought Death Squad politics to the 


nation’s capital. 


The commissions that have investigated political as- 
sassinations and terrorism on American soil have woe- 
fully neglected the car-bombing murder of the former 
Chilean ambassador to the United States. On Sept. 21, 
1976, the booby-trapped car that Letelier was driving 
exploded in mid-morning on a street of Washington 
town houses, killing both the diplomat and his research 
assistant, Ronni Mofitt. Their murderers 


were in the employ of the Chil- 
ean secret police under the com- 
mand of Gen. Manuel Contreras, 
The brazen political assassina- 
tion was orchestrated by Chile’s 
version of the CIA, the DINA, 
whose international dirty tricks 
were reportedly at least partly fi- 


George Bush, who in 1976 was 
the director of the Central Intel- 


ligence Agency, at the time went 
out of his way to protect them 
all 


‘Bush’s one-year tenure at the 
CIA was marked by a tenacious 


insistence on keeping the secrets 
of the agency’s rogue operations. 


probers, and his successor, Adm. 
Stansfield Turner, who house- 
cleaned with such a vigorous 
broom that the agency’s fired © 
cowboys muttered about assassi- 


kept was the unsavory infra- 
structure behind the Letelier as- 
sassination that linked Ameri- 
ca’s CIA to the Chilean 
called the DINA and the drug-fi- 
nanced murderous activities of 
Latin American death squads. 
The conspirators in the 


close working relationships 
with the CIA and were part of 


what Thomas Powers, the biog- - licly espousing the 


ed States under the Chile’s 
Marxist president Salvador Al- 
lende, who was overthrown in a 
CIA-assisted putsch in 1978. 


Suarez’s Cuban exile groups _ 


were involved in a Murder Inc.- 
type exercise called Operation 
Condor, put together on the 
DINA’s nickel, which sent assas- 
sins about Latin America — and 
in Letelier’s case the United 


proceedings in the Letelier as- 
sassination case, the CIA under 
Bush knew immediately after 
the murder that CIA-connected 
Cuban exiles working for the 
Chilean secret police had been 


involved. 

But CIA Director Bush told. 
the opposite story to the U.S. 
media — it was suggested in a 
series of CIA leaks to the press 
that Letelier might have been as- 
raanareidh abberai pacar 

the misguided cause of creating a 


martyr. 

Bush’s disinformation carried 
the day. It wasn’t until the trials 
of two Cubans and one Ameri- 
can eventually charged with Le- 
telier’s assassination — Suarez 
and a second Cuban named in 


George Bush and the Drug Wars #4 


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with DINA protection in the — 
same cocaine factories and ship- 
ping points. The anti-Castro Cu- 
bans had a piece of the action. 
The enormous profits went to 
supplement DINA’s clandestine 


in their study of the murder of 
Letelier, “Assassination On Em- 
bassy Row.” 

The new civilian government 
of Chile has agreed to pay com- 
pensation for the 1976 acts of 
state-sponsored murder, but ef- 
forts to reopen the criminal in- 
vestigation of the case, which 
would involve officials of the 
Chilean and American intelli- 
gence communities, have contin- 
ually been thwarted. 

“Obstacles Delay Chilean In- 
quiry Into "76 Slaying,” the New 
York Times reported on May 31. 


. These were obstacles put into 


motion by Bush in 1976. The 
man has staying power. 
Research assistance provided 


-by Bob Callahan and John Hill. 
In a series of Thursday articles 


through the coming months, this 
column will examine George 
Bush’s coats of many colors in the 
drug wars. 








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HINCKLE 


Noriega’s files 
sanitized by CIA? 


Possibility Raised That Records Seized in Panama 


Were Manipulated 


— Headline in the Washington Post, May 31 


Voltaire said that when you first hear 


GEORGE 
BUSH 
AND THE 


the news, you should wait for the sacra- 
ment of confirmation. The 100 pounds of 


DRUG cocaine widely reported to have been 


WARS found in Gen. Noriega’s headquarters 
turned out to be tortilla flour. The nar- 


co-general was reported as fleeing the 

American invasion of Panama last De- 
cember, leaving behind extensive records of his notori- 
ous drug-dealing that were seized by the U.S. military. 


Now we learn that the CIA had two 
days alone with Noriega’s records. 
In the May 31 Washington 
Post, reporter Joe Pichirallo re- 
vealed that the day after the Dec. 
20 invasion began a CIA team 
showed up at Fort Amador in Pan- 
shooed U.S. 


t collection 

team assigned to the 470th Mili- 
tary Intelligence Brigade. They did 
not return to Building Eight for 2'% 
days, Pichirallo wrote, and in their 
subsequent search they did not 
find certain kinds of records that 
Panamanian informants had told 
them were secreted there. 

The Post story quoted Charles 
J. Saphos, the chief of the Justice 
Department’s narcotics unit super- 
vising the case against Noriega, as 
saying that when in Panama after 
the invasion he had heard “from 
the very highest level” that “a par- 
ticular agency for its own nefarious 
purposes was squirreling stuff 
(documents) away.” 

Saphos said he nonetheless was 


satisfied that although there had 
been “negligent handling” of the 

Noriega documents, no documents 
got “outside channels.” 


Because of concerns among U.S. 


CIA and other government agen- 
cies to “make an internal audit (to 
determine) whether they got any- 
thing that went outside the (docu- 
wi and ) chain.” 
t’s like asking the CIA to 

Pana elgrebe meh 

The CIA has a 30-year history 


wish vetted: The agency’s shady re- 
lations do not thrive in the sun of 
publicity. But Noriega is no ordi- 
nary crook whom the CIA protec- 
ted in drug dealing as long as he 
gave intelligence in return. The 
general was also intimately in- 
volved in secret U.S.-Israeli joint 
operations in Central America. 
The worldwide scope of these do- 
ings was one of the best-kept se 
crets of the Iran-contra hearings. 
And Noriega’s ties to President 


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have 
riega’s files for two days and merely 
look but not touch. 


Bush, in launching the invasion, 
unconcerned 


has appeared blandly 
that the trial of a man whom he 
met in 1976 and 1983 — both times 


erhaps the presiden 
the CIA’s party at Building Eight 
before reporter Pichirallo. 


Pichirallo said the story of the 


“and just sort of got buried.” 


Ifin the midst of the Vietnam 
War it had been revealed that the 
CIA had sole access to documents 
captured in a controversial military 

i documents 


operation — that 
might prove the CIA or other agen- 
i collaborating with 


that there were opponents to the 
war in Vietnam and there are no 
opponents to the War on Drugs. 


Wednesday, a motion was filed 
in federal court in Miami by an at- 
torney for one of the minor defen- 
dan i 


both the prosecution and the de- 
fense in the Noriega trial thou- 
sands of Noriega’s secret docu- 
ments. Attorney Michael O’Kane 
said that he sent a private investi- 
gator to Panama who found in the 
remnants of Noriega’s records a 


ject by 
subject. Kane said U.S. Army doc- 
ument retrievers told the court 
they had found the equivalent of 


George Bush and the Drug Wars #5 


only about 10 filing cabinets. 
ere ba yey lag 
said O’Kane, 


out of the country. They were tak- 
ing care of all their operations.” 
Harari is the former agent of the 
Israeli Mossad who was a Noriega 


in a 1988 ABC News report, relate 
to a CIA-funded operation in 


be shipped to the United States, 


A Noriega trial — with a full 
deck of documents — would pro- 
vide an entire new perspective on 


ing the Nixon, Ford and Reagan 
administrations, as well as his own 
— awar that was not used primari- 


CIA may have polluted the Noriega 
document pool, most guessing will 
center on what files the CIA 
ditched. But a relevant consider- 
ation is what they may have added. 
Forgery is an old CIA skill used to 
perfection by Howard Hunt in 
Peru in 1960 when he faked state 
papers found in a raid on the Cu- 
ban Embassy in Lima. The docu- 
ments prompted Peru to break dip- 
lomatic relations with Havana. 


Ifthe CIA chose this creative 
approach to Noriega’s files, the 
prosecutors and defense attorneys 
in Miami may never be able to sep- 
arate the wheat of drug dealing 
from the chaff of disinformation. 


Ina series of Thursday articles 
through the coming months, this 
column will examine George 
Bush’s role in the drug wars. Bob 
Callahan provided research assis- 
tance. 








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The San Francisco Examiner (San Francisco, California) : 


HNCKLE ee 


CIA protects 
drug albicken 


CIA Shedding Its Reluctance 
To Aid in Fight Against Drugs 
— New York Times headline, March 25, 1990 

“I FEAR I owe you an apology,” C.L. 
Sulzberger of the New York Times wrote 
to poet Allen Ginsberg on April 11, 1978. 
“T have been reading a succession of 
pieces about CIA involvement in the 
dope trade in Southeast Asia and I re- 
member when you first suggested I look 
2), He oat aia 

Indeed you were right.” 

The nation’s newspaper of record may have forgot- 
ten what its foreign affairs columnist learned. The 
Times reported only recently that the CIA had been 
dragooned into George Bush’s drug wars after years on 
the sidelines. The agency’s chief spokesperson, James 
Greenleaf, said that for the CIA, 

“narcotics is a new priority.” 

That’s not quite accurate. 
The CIA has been involved in 
the drug wars. It’s just been 
mostly on the other side. 

Drugs are an old priority of 
the agency, dating back to when 
the wartime Office of Strategic 
Services (OSS), the CIA’s father 
figure, and its sister agency, the 
Office of Naval Intelligence 
a entered into dangerous 

alliances with the Mafia and 
held hands with Chiang Kai- 
shek’s opium-smuggling secret 
police, In the post-war years the 
young CIA enlisted as Cold War 
“assets” the heroin-smuggling 
Corsican network and the Sicil- 
ian Mafia. smuggling and by the "70s had 

Soon the CIA was knee-deep, _ developed alliances with far- 
at the operations level, in heroin, __ right, dope-financed terrorist or- 
opium, marijuanaandLSD;co- _ ganizations which the agency 

aine would come later. In the kept at arms length but occa- 


Evening Classes 
“CARTED AATIOTOOO 


(DEA), which was formed in 
1973, old CIA hand Lucien Co- 


Bush was CIA director in 1976, 
he received two reports, one 
from the DEA, the other from 
the General Accounting 
evaluating the CIA’s sad-sack 
role in the drug wars. Both con- 
cluded that drugenforcement . 
and intelligence were two differ- 
ent worlds; it was folly to throw 
the CIA, whose business was co- 
vert operations based on main- 
taining unsavory alliances, into 
drug wars. 


Bush nevertheless did just 
that when he became anti-drug 
czar in the Reagan administra- 
tion. In 1983 he announced a 
major new effort in the war 

against drugs keyed to increased 
crackdown.” 


George Bush and the Drug Wars #6 


Copyright © 2021 Newspapers.com. All Rights Reserved. 


| Project BUNCIN/DEACON for Caloreity, DEA oeeiae ate te 


Mexican 
inl age dh ec trope 
tra-arms supplying of one of the 
key suspects, drug trafficker Mi- 
guel Angel Felix-Gallardo. 

Given the agency’s narcotic 
past, President Bush’s decision 
to send a “reluctant” CIA once 
more into the breach is anything 
but an exercise in cost-efficiency. 
The CIA’s role is likely to be 
nothing more or less than mak- 
ing sure the new troops in Bush’s 
expanded drug wars don’t go off 
in right field and arrest the 
wrong people. 


In a series of Thursday articles 


through the coming months, this 
column will examine George 
Bush’s coats of many colors in the 
drug wars. Bob John 
Hill and John Kelly provided re- 
search assistance. 


Seabrook N-plant 
automatically shuts 


ASSOCIATED PRESS 


SEABROOK, N.H. — The Sea- 
brook nuclear power plant shut 
down automatically Wednesday, 
the first time it has done so since 
beginning to scale up to full-power 
operation. 

Computers shut the plant down 
at 4:38 p.m. while it was operating 
at 30 percent power and producing 
electricity for about 182,000 cus- 
tomers, said Seabrook spokesman 
Rob Williams. Plant operators did 
not know what caused the shut- 
down. 








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Newspes pers The San Francisco Examiner (San Francisco, California) - 28 Jun 1990, Thu: Page 4 
by <plancestry’ Downloaded on Dec 4, 2021 


of snooping on Guate- Poseda was trained by the 
CIA in demolition and other ter- 
rorism skills at Fort Benning, 
Ga. From 1967 to 1976 he was a 


y who went 


€ spy 
back into the cold 


i acd yes 5 A “eee 178 mid irbonbing 
A bleeding man drove a black Suzuki killed 7, by the CORU (Com- 
GEORGE jeep into an Esso gas station in Guate- mando of United Revolutionary 
ewe] mala City at9a.m.onFeb.26andges- _—"#anizations.) This major act 
AND of terrorism by Poseda and his 
ae t| turedimpatiently for apencilandpaper.  anti-Castro cohorts in CORU 
allie || He couldn’t talk because he had been took place on George Bush's 
shot in the jaw and chest. “Please help as director o 
me,” he scribbled on the paper. “Taman Sopthvas fered in 1076 per- 
adviser to Cerezo.” He wrote down a 
phone number. He made the sign of the cross and col- 
lapsed against the steering wheel. 
The blood-stained note indicated that the man had 
friends in high places, and that he had some familiarity 
with being wounded. “Am allergic to penicillin,” he 
had troubled to write in his last moment of conscious- 
,ness. A woman answered the telephone when the ser- 
vice station owner called. She seemed to know what to 


column will examine George 
Bush’s coat of many colors in the 
drug wars. Bob Callahan provided 
research assistance. 


riedly shutdown bytheCIAin clean U.S. currency. ACE was al- |man said after the 41. -year-old heir 
1970 when an Operation 40 so the funding vehicle for the ito the throne was taken to the 
plane crashed in Southern Cali- purchase of the C-123K cargo 
door. fornia with a cargo of heroin and plane for contra resupply in 
A month later, the still-recov- - Phisticated bugging equipment _ cocaine, 
Laon er 9 a iachinalagd 





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George Bush and the Drug Wars #7 





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CIA spied on Carter, 
helped Reagan-Bush 


Legal Defense Fund — Stefan Halper 
. — Final entry in Lt. Col. Oliver North's 


White House diary, Nov. 25,1986 Central 


— You can get by with a little help from 
GEORGE your friends. The Reagan-Bush ticket 
irene || was elected in 1980 with no small assis- 
DRUG tance from a gaggle of former CIA agents 
WARS who used the tricks of their trade to de- 
> stabilize President Jimmy Carter’s re- 
election campaign. They stole his debate 
‘ briefing book, painted his brother Billy 

as a cheerleader for Libya and planted moles in the 

‘National Security Council and even the White House 

Situation Room to spy on Carter’s every move and 

waking thought. 

One of George Bush’s helpers in the 1980 campaign 

was Stefan Halper, who was not a CIA agent but had 

bonded with the intelli when he mar- 

ried the daughter of Ray Cline, who was to the CIA 

what Knute Rockne was to Notre 

Dame — coach, good old boy 

and role model. 

A former deputy director of 

the spy agency and the CIA’s 

man in Taiwan for many years, 

Cline organized “ for 

Bush” to boost the former CIA 


director’s run for the 1980 Re- 
publican presidential nomina- 
tion and piped his son- -in-law 


World War I and co-founded 
with his buddy Casey a right- 
wing think tank in 1962, the Na- 
tional Information 


Strategy 
Center, which used clandestine 


- CIA funds to publish anti-left 
tracts. When Bush fils was final- 


ly elected president in 1988 the 
center had a major policy input 
into the new administration. 
Spymaster Casey openly 
boasted of running an “intelli- 
gence operation” against the in- 
cumbent president, and Halper 


The San Francisco Examiner (San Francisco, California) 


Phase One: 1971-1977. Bush 
is brought into the War on Drugs 
by Richard Nixon and appointed 
to the White House Cabinet 
Committee on International 
Narcotic Control. Nixon uses 
the war on drugs as cover to set 


the War on Terrorism. The cow- 
a magnificent resto- 


boys enjoy | 
ration. The CIA’s airlines begin 


to fly again, the Miami Station, 
which had fallen into decline af- 
ter being the biggest spy post in 
the world during the anti-Castro 
plots of the ’60s, is retrofitted — 


comes a cover for the unsesraly 
details of pursuing foreign policy 
goals. 


Phase Three: 1989-present. 


~ George Bush’s militarization of 


the War on Drugs. It may be too 
early to tell where this ts going, 
but all indications to date are for 


Bush’s coats of many colors in the 
drug wars, Bob Callahan provided 
research assistance. 





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George Bush and the Drug Wars #8 


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Newspa pers The San Francisco Examiner (San Francisco, California) - 


by pjancestry’ 


Mexican “drug war 
foiled by coruption 


Inquiry Sought in CIA’s Alleged Use of Drug Ranch 
— Washington Post, July 6 
On Aug. 13, 1986, in downtown Guadala- 
aayita || jara, three Mexican cops grabbed DEA 
sho agent Victor Cortez. They took him to 
DRUG jail where he was stripped, bound and 
WAR beaten on his shoulders and stomach. 
: When he was not forthcoming about the 
details of DEA operations in Guadalaja- 
ra, the cops used an electric cattle prod 
to burn his ankles. Then they jerked his head back and 
forced soda water spiked with hot chili pepper oil up 
his nose. This is a favored torture technique of the Ja- 
lisco State Judicial Police; it is extremely painful and 
heaves no marks. 
The unprovoked assault on Cortez was the more 
galling because it came little more than a year after 
Mexican drug traffickers, who had accomplices in the 
highest circles of Mexican government, kidnapped, 
state police were implicated, the 
governor was a study in masterly 


When he took office in Janu- 
ary 1989, President Carlos Sali- 


payers $115 million. In 1980, 


George Bush and the Drug Wars #9 


Copyright © 2021 Newspapers.com. All Rights Reserved. 


military 
tween 1983 and 1985. For this 


who said the CIA used the Mexi- 
can ranch of drug kingpin Rafael 
Caro Quintero to train the con- 

tras in the early 1980s. Caro has 








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HINKLE 


Some S&Ls are more 


The San Francisco Examiner (San Francisco, California) 


equal than others 


Regulators Hazy About Caller’s ID; Search Fails to 
Find Source of S&L Order 


— Washington Post, June 22, 1990 


Someone placed a telephone call from 


GEORGE 
RUSH 
AND THE 
DRUG 
WARS 


Washington, D.C., in October 1988 or- 
dering a savings & loan field regulator in 
Colorado to wait two months — until af- 
ter Election Day — to close the failing 


F Silverado thrift in Denver where then- 
presidential candidate George Bush’s 
son Neil had been a director. 

Kermit Mowbray, the former top regional S&L regu- 
lator for Colorado, told the House Banking Committee 


on June 19 that, on telephoned orders from his Wash- 
ington bosses, he delayed issuing the takeover order for 
Silverado until the day after George Bush was elected 
president. Mowbray testified that field regulators had 
wanted Silverado seized immediately. He couldn’t re- 
member who told him to hold off. Federal regulators fi- 
nally seized Silverado on Dec. 9. 


' M. Danny Wall, the nation’s 


chief thrift regulator from 1987 
though 1989, couldn't recall 
making such a phone call. Nei- 
ther could his top aides when 
questioned by the staff of the 
House Banking Committee, 
which was naturally curious 
about the phantom call that 
spared the Republicans the po- 


litical embarrassment of an elec- 


tion-eve shutdown of a spectacu- 
larly mismanaged S&L that had 
close ties to the White House 
anél the Republican Party. 


The template of the financial 
affairs of the close-knit Bush 


qithse Chile Canteal tetellgenne 
Agency. 


In-depth investigations of the 
business relationships of the 
president’s two best-known 
sons, Neil and Jeb Bush — and 
of the little-examined oil busi- 
ness career of George Bush be- 
fore he went into politics full 
time in 1966 — reveal connec- 
tions to the shadowy world of in- 
telligence. 

Neil Bush: In the National 
Thrift News, the bible of the 
S&L industry, Stephen Pizzo re- 
ported in February of 1989 — in 


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lingual son has intimate business. oil company, Zapata Petroleum 


and polities) tes to ssemabers of 


lion for the GOP at the 1986 Col- 
orado luncheon attended by 

jor borrower, Kenneth Good, 
made a $100,000 contribution to 
President Bush’s election cam- 
paign in October of 1988. This is 


i Sr AR 
tion of the 1970s. The case was 
dropped because of CIA interfer- 
ence with the Justice Depart- 

ment on WFC’s behalf. During 
the heyday of WFC’s anti-Castro 


the collapse of numerous Texas 
S&Ls. Another Silverado bor- 
rower was involved in plans to 
arm the contras and was the 
business partner of a man who 
took part in CIA assassination 
attempts on Fidel Castro’s life. 


Jeb Bush: The president’s bi 


George Bush and the Drug Wars #10 


Copyright © 2021 Newspapers.com. All Rights Reserved. 


Corp. One of his partners was 
Bill Liedtke, who came to promi 
nence when Bush was Republi- 
can national chairman in 1973 
and it was revealed that the Tex 
as campaign fund of Bush’s for- 


Bush's relationship with anothe: 
former oil man, Jorge Diaz Ser- 
rano. In 1960, Bush went into a 
joint venture with Diaz Serrano 
in a Mexican drilling company 
called Permargo. Bush’s 50 per- 
cent interest was hidden because 
his ownership violated Mexican 


law. Permargo had lucrative con- 


tracts with Pemex, the giant 
state oil monopoly of Mexico. 
Diaz Serrano went on to head 
Pemex from 1975 to 1980. After 
reports of Pemex being looted of 
billions during his reign, Diaz 
Serrano — who was reported to 
have lent Pemex as a cover for 
CIA covert operations in Mexico 
— was convicted in 1983 of de- 
frauding the government. Bush’s 
former partner spent five years 
in prison. 
azine looked into what itcalled. 
Bush's “shadowy Mexican oper- 
ation,” investigative reporter 
Jonathan Kwitney found that 
the key Zapata records of Bush's 
relationship with Diaz Serrano, 
1960-1966, had been “inadver- 
tently destroyed” by the SEC a 
few months after Bush became 
vice president in 1981, Thus 
George Bush and his son Neil 
share the unwelcome distinction 
of having federal regulatory 
agencies act strangely in their 
behalf. 


If Neil and Jeb Bush’s ques- 
tionable businesses practices be 
sins, they are sins not of the 
sons, but of the father before 

m. 


Research assistance provided 
by Bob Callahan and John 
Kelly. 








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