THE GERMAN
EXTERMINATION
OF
Auschwitz
AND
CAMPS
Rirkenau
THE GERMAN
EXTERMINATION CAMPS
OF
Auschwitz
AND
Birkenau
Two Eye-Witness Reports
WAR REFUGEE BOARD, EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
Washington, D.C.
November, 1944
Foreword
It is a fact beyond denial that the Germans have deliberately
and systematically murdered millions of innocent civilians
— Jews and Christians alike — all over Europe. This campaign
of terror and brutality, unprecedented in all history, even
now continues unabated, and has been part of the German
plan to subjugate the free peoples of the world.
So revolting and diabolical are the German atrocities that
the minds of civilised people find it difficult to believe that
they have actually taken place. But the governments of the
United States and of other countries have evidence which
clearly substantiates the facts.
The War Refugee Board is engaged in a desperate effort
to save as many as possible of Hitler's intended victims.
To facilitate its work the Board has representatives in key
spots in Europe. These representatives have tested contacts
throughout Europe and keep the Board fully advised con-
cerning the German campaign of extermination and torture.
Recently the Board received from a representative close to
the scene two eye-witness accounts of events which occurred
in notorious extermination camps established by the Germans.
The first report is based upon the experiences of two young
Slovakian Jews who escaped in April, 194 - 1 , after spending
two years in the Nazi concentration camps at Auschwitz
and Birkenau in southwestern Poland. The second report
is made by a non-Jewish Polish major, the only survivor
of one group imprisoned at Auschwitz.
The two reports were prepared independently and are
reproduced exactly in the form they were received by th" War
Refugee Board, except for a few deletions necessary for the
protection of persons who may still be alive. The figures
concerning the size of the Jewish convoys and the numbers
of men and women admitted to the two camps cannot be taken
as mathematically exact ; and, in fact, are declared by the
authors to be no more than reliable approximations. They
are accepted as such by the Board.
The Board has every reason to believe that these reports
present a true picture of the frightful happenings in these
camps. It is making the reports public in the firm conviction
that they should be read and understood by all Americans.
November, IHI.
REPORT No. 1
The Extermination Camps of Auschwitz (Oswiecimj
and Birkenau in Upper Silesia
Two young Slovak Jews — whose names will not be
disclosed for the time being in the interest of their own
safety — were fortunate enough to escape after spending
two years in the concentration camps of BIRKENAU,
AUSCHWJITZ and LUBLIN-MAJDANEK, where they
had been deported in 1942 from SLOVAKIA.
One of them was seht on April 13, 1942, from the assembly
camp of SERED directly to AUSCHWITZ and then to
BIRKENAU, while the other was sent from the camp
of NOVAKY to LUBLIN on June 14, 1942, and, after a
short stay there, transferred to AUSCHWITZ and, later,
to BIRKENAU.
The following report does not contain everything these
two men experienced during their captivity, but only
what one or both together underwent, heard, or experienced
at first hand. No individual impressions or judgments
are recorded and nothing passed on from hearsay.
The report starts with the story of the young Jew who
was removed from SERED. The account of his experiences
in BIRKENAU begins at the time the second Jew arrived
there and is, therefore, based on the statements of both.
Then follows the individual narrative of the second Jew
who was sent from NOVAKY to LUBLIN and from there
to AUSCHWITZ.
The declarations tally with all the trustworthy yet
fragmentary reports hitherto received, and the dates given
with regard to transports to various camps agree with the
official records. These statements can, therefore, be con-
sidered as entirely credible.
1. AUSCHWITZ AND BIRKENAU
On April 13, 1942, our group, consisting of 1,000 men,
was loaded into railroad cars at the assembly camp of
SERED. The doors were shut so that nothing would
reveal the direction of the journey, and when they were
opened after along while we realized that we had crossed
the Slovak frontier and were in ZWARDON. The train
had until then been guarded by Hlinka men, but was now
taken over by SS guards. After a few of the cars had been
uncoupled from our convoy, we continued on our way,
arriving at night at AUSCHWITZ, where we slopped
on a sidetrack. The reason the other cars were left behind
was apparently the lack of room at AUSCHWITZ. They
joined us, however, a few days later. Upon arrival we
were placed in rows of five and counted. There were 643
of us. After a walk of about 20 minutes with our heavy
packs (we had left Slovakia well equipped), we reached
the concentration camp of AUSCHWITZ.
We were at once led into a huge barrack where on the
one side we had to deposit all our luggage and on the other
side completely undress, leaving our clothes and valuables
behind. Naked, we then proceeded to an adjoining barrack
where our heads and bodies were shaved and disinfected
with lysol. At the exit every man was given a number
which began with 28,600 in consecutive order. With this
number in hand we were then herded to a third barrack
where so-called registration took place. This consisted of
tattooing the numbers we had received in the second barrack
on the left side of our chests. The extreme brutality with
which this was effected made many of us faint. The par-
ticulars of our indentity were also recorded. Then we
were led in groups of a hundred into a cellar, and later
to a barrack where we were issued striped prisoners’ clothes
and wooden clogs. This lasted until 10 a.m. In the afternoon
our prisoners’ outfits were taken away from us again and
replaced by the ragged and dirty remains of Russian
uniforms. Thus equipped we were marched off to
BIRKENAU.
AUSCHWITZ is a concentration camp for political
prisoners under so-called “ protective custody.” At the
time of my arrival, that is in April of 1942, there were
about 15,000 prisoners in the camp, the majority of whom
were Poles, Germans, and civilian Russians under pro-
tective custody. A small number of prisoners came under
the categories of criminals and “ work-shirkers.”
AUSCHWITZ camp headquarters controls at the same
time the work-camp of BIRKENAU as well as the farm
labor camp of HARMENSE. All the prisoners arrive
first at AUSCHWITZ where they are provided with
prisoners’ immatriculation numbers and then are either
kept there, sent to BIRKENAU or, in very small numbers,
to HARMENSE. The prisoners receive consecutive
numbers upon arrival. Every number is only used once
so that the last number always corresponds to the number
of prisoners actually in the camp. At the time of our escape,
that is to say, at the beginning of April, 1944, the number
had risen up to 180,000. At the outset the numbers were
tattooed on the left breast, but later, due to their becoming
blurred, on the left forearm.
All prisoners, irrespective of category or nationality,
are treated the same. However, to facilitate identification,
they are distinguished by various coloured triangles sewed
on the clothing on the left breast under the immatricula-
tion number. The first letter indicates the nationality
of the prisoner. This letter (for instance “ P ” for Poles)
appears in the middle of the triangle. The coloured triangles
have the following meanings :
red triangle political prisoners under protective
custody
professional criminals
“ dodgers ” (labor slackers), “ anti-
socials ” (mostly Russians)
homosexuals
members of the religious sect of “ Bibel-
forscher.”
The Jewish prisoners differ from the Aryan prisoners
in that their triangle (which in the majority of cases is
red) is turned into a David’s star by adding yellow points.
Within the enclosure of the camp of AUSCHWITZ
there are several factories : a war production plant,
Deutscher Aufriistungswerk (DAW), a factory belonging
to the KRUPP works and one to the SIEMENS concern.
Outside the boundary of the camp is a tremendous plant
covering several square kilometers named “ BUNA.”
The prisoners work in all the aforementioned factories.
The prisoners’ actual living quarters, if such a term
may at all be used, inside the camp proper cover an area
of approximately 500 by 300 meters surrounded by a
double row of concrete posts about 3 meters high which
are connected (both inside and outside) with one another
by a dense netting of high-tension wires fixed into the
posts by insulators. Between these two rows of posts,
at intervals of 150 meters, there are 5 meters high watch-
towers, equipped with machine guns and searchlights
In front of the inner high-tension circle there is further
an ordinary wire fence. Merely touching this fence is
answered by a stream of bullets from the watchtowers.
This system is called “ the small or inner chain of sentry
posts.” The camp itself is composed of three rows of houses.
Between the first and second row is the camp street, and
green „
black ,,
pink ,,
violet „
7
Though Ground Plan of Auschwitz
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—SEHTJty posts — ► X
X •* SENTRY POSTS
-X
■^00) WO. 31 1.
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-BKRH(\0{
-ROUJ wo, .jr*
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c^ywp street
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"ROUD WO. x.
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INNER 0T$ SMALL CHAIN X
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'ENTF(J{NCS
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wie£eo
9
between the second and third there used to be a walL
The Jewish girls deported from Slovakia in March and
April, 1912, over 7,000 of them, lived in the houses
separated by this wall up to the middle of August, 1942,
After these girls had been removed to BIRKENAU, the
wall between the second and third row of houses was
removed. The camp entry road cuts across the row of
houses, while over the entrance gate, which is, of course,
always heavily guarded, stands the ironic inscription :
“ Work brings freedom.”
At a radius of some 2,000 meters the whole camp is
encircled by a second line called “ the big or outer chain
of sentry posts” also with watchtowers every 150 meters.
Between the inner and outer chain of sentry posts are the
factories and other workshops. The towers of the inner
chain are only manned at night when the high-tension
current is switched into the double row of wires. During
daytime the garrison of the inner chain of sentry posts
is withdrawn, and the men take up duty in the outer chain.
Escape through these sentry posts — and many attempts
have been made — is practically impossible. Getting through
the inner circle of posts at night is completely impossible,
and the towers of the outer chain are so dose to one another
(one every 150 meters, i.e., giving each tower a sector
with a 75-meter radius to watch) that approaching unnoticed
is out of the question. The guards shoot without warning.
The garrison of the outer chain is withdrawn at twilight,
but only after it has been ascertained that all the prisoners
are within the inner circle. If the roll call reveals that a
prisoner is missing, sirens immediately sound the alarm.
The men in the outer chain remain in their towers on
the lookout, the inner chain is manned, and a systematic
search is begun by hundreds of SS guards and bloodhounds.
The siren brings the whole surrounding countryside to a
state o f alarm, so that if by miracle the escapee has been
successful in getting through the outer chain he is nearly
certain to be caught by one of the numerous German police
and SS patrols. The escapee is furthermore handicapped
by his clean-chaven head, his striped prisoner’s outfit or
red patches sewn on his clothing, and the passiveness of
the thoroughly intimidated inhabitants. The mere fact
of neglecting to give information on the whereabouts of
a prisoner, not to speak of extending help, is punished by
death. Provided that the prisoner has not been caught
sooner, the garrison of the outer chain of sentry posts
remains on the watch for three days and nights after which
delay it is presumed that the escapee has succeeded in
breaking through the double circle. The following night
the outer guard is withdrawn. If the escapee is caught
alive, he is hanged in the presence of the whole camp ;
but if he is found dead, his body — wherever it may have
been located — is brought back to camp (it is easy to
identify the corpse by means of the tattooed number)
and seated at the entrance gate, a small notice clasped
in his hands, reading : “ Here I am.” During our two
years’ imprisonment many attempts to escape were made
by prisoners but, with the exception of two or three, all
were brought back dead or alive. It is not known whether
the two or three escapees who were not caught actually
managed to get away. It can, however, be asserted that
among the Jews who were deported from SLOVAKIA
to AUSCHWITZ or BIRKENAU we are the only two
who were lucky enough to save ourselves.
As stated previously, we were transferred from AUSCH-
WITZ to BIRKENAU on the day of our arrival.
Actually there is no such district as BIRKENAU.
Even the word BIRKENAU is new in that it has been
” adopted ” from the nearby Birch Forest (BREZINSKY).
The district now called BIRKENAU was, and is still,
called “ RAJSKA ” bv the local population. The exist-
ing camp center of BIRKENAU lies 4 kilometers distant
from AUSCHWITZ. The outer control zones of both
BIRKENAU and AUSCHWITZ meet and are merely
separated by a railway track. We never found anything
out about NEW-BERUN, probably about 30 to 40 kilo-
meters away which, oddly enough, we had to indicate
as postal district for BIRKENAU.
At the time of our arrival in BIRKENAU we found
there only one huge kitchen for 15,000 people and three
stone buildings, two of which were completed and one
under construction. The buildings were surrounded by
an ordinary barbed wire fence. The prisoners were housed
in these buildings and in others later constructed. All
are built according to a standard model. Each house is
about 30 meters long and 8 to 10 meter3 wide. Whereas
the height of the walls hardly exceeds 2 meters, the roof
is disproportionately high — about 5 meters — so that the
house gives the impression of i stable surmounted by a
large hayloft. There is no inner ceiling, so that the room
reaches a height of 7 meters in the center ; in other words
the pointed roofing rests directly on the four walls. The
room is divided in two by a partition running its whole
length down the middle and fitted with an opening to
enable communication between the two parts thu3
separated. Along both side walls, as well as along the
middle partition, two parallel floors, some 80 centimeters
apart, have been built which are in turn divided into small
cells by vertical partitions. Thus there are three flo irs :
the ground floor and the two built in the side walls. Normally
three people live in each cubicle. As can be judged from
the dimensions indicated, these cubicles are too narrow
for a man to lie stretched out and not high enough for him
to sit upright. There is no question of having enough
space to stand upright. In this way some 400 to 500 people
are accommodated in one house or “ block,” as they are
also called.
The present camp of BIRKENAU covers an area of
some 1,600 by 500 meters which is surrounded — similar
to AUSCHWITZ — by a so-called small or inner chain of
sentry posts. Work is now proceeding on a still larger
compound which is to be added later on to the already
existing camp. The purpose of this extensive planning
is not known to us.
Within a radius of 2 kilometers, as with AUSCHWITZ,
BIRKENAU is also surrounded by an outer chain of
sentry posts with the same type of watch system as at
AUSCHWITZ.
The buildings we found on our arrival had been erected
by 12,000 Russian prisoners of war brought there in
December, 1941. In severe winter weather they had to
work under inhuman conditions as a result of which most
of them, with the exception of a small number employed
in the kitchen, died of exposure. They were numbered
from 1 to 12,000 in a series which had no connection with
the ordinary camp numbering system previously described.
Whenever fresh convoys of Russian prisoners arrived,
they were not issued the current AUSCHWITZ prisoner
numbers, but received those of deceased Russians in the
1 to 12,000 series. It is, therefore, difficult to estimate
how many prisoners of this category passed through the
camp. Apparently Russians were transferred to AUSCH-
WITZ or BIRKENAU on disciplinary grounds from
regular prisoner-of-war camp3. We found what remiined
of the Russians in a terrible state of destitution and neglect
living in the unfinished building without the slightest
protection against cold or rain. They died en matte
Hundreds and thousands of their bodies were buried
superficially, spreading a stench of pestilence. Later we
had to exhume and burn the corpses.
A week before our arrival in AUSCHWITZ the first
group of Jews reached the camp : (the women were dealt
with separately and received numbers parallel to those
of the men: the Slovak women receive,] - n il n ,
from 1 to 8,000) 1,320 naturalized French Jews from Paris.
10
They were numbered from 27,500 onwards. It is clear,
therefore, that between this French group and our convoy
no other men arrived in AUSCHWITZ, since we have
already pointed out that our numbers started with 28,600.
We found the 700 French Jews who were still alive in
terrible condition, the missing 600 having died within a
week after their arrival.
The following categories were housed in the three
completed buildings :
I. The co-called “ prominencia ” : professional
criminals and older Polish political prisoners who
were in charge of the administration of the camp.
II. The remainder of the French Jews, namely some
700.
III. The 643 original Slovak Jews to whom were added
a few days later those who had been left at
ZWARDON.
IV. Those Russians who were still alive and housed
in the unfinished building as well as in the open
air and whose numbers diminished so rapidly
that as a group they are scarcely worth mentioning.
Together with the remaining Russian prisoners the
Slovak Jews worked at the construction of buildings,
whereas the French Jews had to do spade work. After
three days I was ordered, together with 200 other Slovak
Jews, to work in the German armament factories at
AUSCHWITZ, but we continued to be housed at
BIRKENAU.
We left early in the morning, returning at night, and
worked in the carpentry shop as well as on road con-
struction. Our food consisted of one litre of turnip soup
at midday and 300 grams of bad bread in the evening.
Working conditions were inconceivably hard, so that the
majority of us, weakened by starvation and the inedible
food, could not stand it. The mortality was so high that
every day our group of 200 had 30 to 35 dead. Many were
simply beaten to death by the overseers — the “ Capos ”
— during work, without the slightest provocation. The
gaps in our ranks caused by these deaths were replaced
daily by prisoners from BIRKENAU.
Our return at night was extremely painful and dangerous,
as we had to drag along over a distance of 5 kilometers
our tools, firewood, heavy caldrons, and the bodies of
those who had died or had been killed during the working
day. With these heavy loads we were forced to maintain
a brisk pace, and anyone incurring the displeasure of one
of the “ Capos ” was cruelly knocked down, if not beaten
to death. Until the arrival of the second group of Slovak
men some 14 days later, our original number had dwindled
to 150.
At night we were counted, the bodies of the dead were
piled up on flat, narrow-gauge cars or in a truck and brought
to the Birch Forest (BREZINSKY) where they were
burned in a trench several meters deep and about 15 meters
long. Every day on our way to work we met a working
party of 300 Jewish girls from Slovakia who were employed
on ground work in the vicinity. They were dressed in
old Russian uniform rags and wore wooden clogs. Their
heads were shaven and, unfortunately, we could not speak
to them.
Until the middle of May, 1942, a total of four convoys
of male Jews from Slovakia arrived at BIRKENAU and
all received similar treatment to ours.
From the first and second transports 120 men were
chosen (including myself) and placed at the disposal of
the administration of the camp of AUSCHWITZ, which
was in need of doctors, dentists, intellectuals, and clerks.
This group consisted of 90 Slovak and 30 French Jews.
As I had in the meantime managed to work my way up
to a good position in BIRKENAU — being in command
of a group of 50 men, which had brought me considerable
advantage — I, at first, felt reluctant to leave for AUSCH-
WITZ. However, I was finally persuaded to go and left.
After eight days, 18 doctors and attendants as well as
three further persons were selected from this group of
120 intellectuals. The doctors were used in the “ sick
building ” or “ hospital ” at AUSCHWITZ, while we
three were sent back to BIRKENAU. My two comrades,
Ladislav Braun from Trnava and Gross from Vrbovfi,
both of whom have since died, were sent to the Slovak
block while I was ordered to the French section where
we were employed at collecting “ personal data ” and at
“nursing the sick.” The remaining 99 persons were sent
to work in the gravel pit where they all died within a short
time.
Shortly thereafter a so-called “ sick-building ” (Kranken-
bau) was set up. It was destined to become the much
dreaded “ Block 7 ” where at first I was chief attendant
and later administrator. The chief of this “ infirmary ”
was a Pole. Actually this building was nothing else than
an assembly centre for death candidates. All prisoners
incapable of working were sent there. There was no question
of any medical attention or care. We had some 150 dead
daily and their bodies were sent for cremation to AUSCH-
WITZ.
At the same time the so-called “ selections ” were intro-
duced. Twice weekly, Mondays and Thursdays, the camp
doctor indicated the number of prisoners who were to be
gassed and then burned. These “ selectees ” were loaded
into trucks and brought to the Birch Forest. Those still
alive upon arrival were gassed in a big barrack erected
near the trench used for burning the bodies. The weekly
" draft ” in dead from “ Block 7 ” was about 2,000, of
whom 1,200 died a “ natural death ” and about 800 through
“ selection.” For those who had not been “ selected ” a
death certificate was issued and sent to the central adminis-
tration at ORANIENBURG, whereas for the “ selectees ”
a special register was kept with the indication “ S.B.”
(“ Sonderbehandelt ” — special treatment). Until January
15, 1943, up to which time I was administrator of “ Block
7.” and therefore in a position to directly observe happen-
ings, some 50,000 prisoners died of “ natural death ” or
by “ selection.”
As previously described, the prisoners were numbered
consecutively so that we are able to reconstruct fairly
clearly their order of succession and the fate which befel
each separate convoy on arrival.
The first male Jewish transport reaching AUSCHWITZ
for BIRKENAU was composed, as mentioned, of 1,320
naturalized French Jews bearing approximately the follow-
ing numbers :
27,400—28,600 :
28.600— 29,600 :
In April, 1942, the first convoy of Slovak Jews (our
convoy).
29.600— 29,700:
100 men (Aryans) from various concentration camps.
29.700— 32,700 :
3 complete convoys of Slovak Jews.
32.700— 33,100:
400 professional criminals (Aryans) from Warsaw
prisons.
33,100—35,000 :
1,900 Jews from Cracow.
35.000— 36,000 :
1,000 Poles (Aryans) — political prisoners.
36.000— 37,300 :
In May, 1942 — 1,300 Slovak Jews from LUBLIN-
MAJDANEK.
37,300—37,900 :
600 Poles (Aryans) from RADOM, amongst them
a few Jews.
II
37,900—38,000 :
100 Poles from the concentration camp of DACHAU.
38.000— 38,400 :
400 French naturalized Jews who arrived with their
families.
This whole convoy consisted of about 1,600 individuals
of whom approximately 200 girls and 400 men were admitted
to the camp, while the remaining 1,000 persons (women,
old people, children as well as men) were sent without
further procedure from the railroad siding directly .to the
Birch Forest, and there gassed and burned. From this
moment on all Jewish convoys were dealt with in the same
manner. Approximately 10 percent of the men and 5
percent of the women were allotted to the camps and the
remaining members were immediately gassed. This process
of extermination had already been applied earlier to the
Polish Jews. During long months, without interruption,
trucks brought thousands of Jews from the various
“ ghettos ” direct to the pit in the “ Birkenwald.”
38,400—39,200 :
800 naturalized French Jews, the remainder of the
convoy was — as previously described — gassed.
39.200— 40,000 :
800 Poles (Aryaus),ypolitical prisoners.
40.000— 40,150:
150 Slovak Jews with their families. Outside of a
group of 50 girls sent to the women’s camp, all other
members were gassed in the Birch Forest. Among
the 150 men who came to camp there were a certain
Zucker (Christian name unknown) and Sonnenschein,
Viliam, both from Eastern Slovakia.
40,150—43,800 :
Approximately 4,000 French naturalized Jews, almost
all intellectuals ; 1,000 women were directed to the
women’s camp, while the balance of about 3,000
persons were gassed in the usual manner.
43,800—44,200 :
400 Slovak Jews from LUBLIN, including Matej
Klein and No. 43820, Meiloch Laufer from Eastern
Slovakia. This convoy arrived on June 30, 1942.
44.200— 45,000 :
200 Slovak Jews. The convoy consisted of 1,000
persons. A number of women were sent to the women’s
camp, the rest gassed in the Birch Wood. Among
the prisoners sent to camp were : Jozef Zelmanovic,
Snina ; Adolf Kahan, Bratislava ; Walter Reichmann,
Sucany ; Esther Kahan, Bratislava.
45.000— 47,000 :
2,000 Frenchmen (Aryans), communists and other
political prisoners, among whom were the brother of
Thorez and the young brother of Leon Blum. The
latter was atrociously tortured, then gassed and burned.
47.000— 47,500 :
500 Jews from Holland, in the majority German
emigrants. The rest of the convoy, about 2,500 persons,
gassed.
47,500—47,800 :
About 300 so-called Russians under protective custody.
48,300—48,620 :
320 Jews from Slovakia. About 70 girls were trans-
ferred to the woman’s camp, the remainder, some
650 people, gassed in the Birch Wood. This convoy
included about 80 people who had been handed over
by the Hungarian police to the camp of SERED.
Others from this convoy were : Dr. Zoltan Mandel
(since deceased); Holz (Christian name unknown),
butcher from Piestany ; Miklos Engel, Zilina ; Chaim
Katz, Snina (his wife and 6 children were gassed).
49.000— 64,800 :
15,000 naturalized French, Belgian, and Dutch Jews.
This figure certainly represents less than 10 percent
of the total convoy. This was between July 1 and
September 15, 1942. Large family convoys arrived
from various European countries and were at' once
directed to the Birch Wood. The special Squad
(“ Sonderkommando ”) employed for gassing and
burning worked in day and night shifts.: Hundreds
of thousands of Jews were gassed during this period.
64,800—65,000 :
200 Slovak Jews. Out of this transport about 100
women were admitted to the camp, the rest of them
gassed and burned. Among the newly arrived were :
Ludwig Katz, Zilina ; Avri Burger, Bratislava ;
Poprad (wife dead); Mikulas Steiner, Povazska
Bystrica; Juraj Fried, Trencin ; Buchwald ; Josef
Rosenwasser, Eastern Slovakia ; Julius. Newman,
Bardejov; Sandor Wertheimer, Vrbove ; Misi Wer-
theimer, Vrbove ; Bela Vlau, Zilina.
65.000— 68,000 :
Naturalized French, Belgian, and Dutch Jews. Not
more than 1,000 women were “selected” and sent
to the camp. The others, at the lowest estimate
30,000, were gassed.
71.000— 80,000 :
Naturalized French, Belgian, and Dutch Jews. The
prisoners brought to the camp hardly represent' 10
percent of the total transport. A conservative estimate
would be that approximately 65,000 to 70,000 persons
were gassed.
On December 17, 1942, the 200 young Slovak Jews,
the so-called “ special squad ” employed in gassing and
burning the condemned, were in turn executed at
BIRKENAU. They were executed for having' planned to
mutiny and escape. A Jew betrayed their preparations.
This frightful job had to be taken over by a group of 200.
Polish Jews who had just arrived at camp from MAKOW.
The men belonging to the “ special squad ” lived
separately. On account of the dreadful smell spread by
them, people had but little contact with them. Besides
they were always filthy, destitute, half wild and extra-
ordinarily brutal and ruthless. It was not uncommon
to see one of them kill another. This was considered by the
others a sensation, a change. One simply recorded that
number so-and-so had died.
Once I was an eye-witness when a young Polish Jew
named Jossel demonstrated “scientific” murder on a
Jew in the presence of an SS guard. He used no weapon,
merely his bare hands, to kill his victim.
No. 80,000 marks the beginning of the systematic
extermination of the Polish ghettos.
80.00Q— 85,000 :
Approximately 5,000 Jews from various ghettos in
MLJAWA — MAKOW — ZICHENOW — LOMZA —
GRODNO — BIALOSTOK.
For fully 30 days truck-convoys arrived without
interruption. Only 5,000 persons were sent to the
concentration camp ; all the others were gassed at
once. The “ special squad ” worked in two shifts,
24 hours daily and was scarcely able to cope with the
gassing and burning. Without exaggerating it may
be said that out of these convoys some 80,000 to
90.000 received “ special treatment.” These transports
also brought in a considerable amount of money,
valuables, and precious stones.
85,000—92,000 :
6.000 Jews from GRODNO, BIALOSTOK and
CRACOW as well as 1,000 Aryan Poles. The majority
of the Jewish convoys were directly gaMed and d ill)
about 4,000 Jews were driven into the gas ebnbmer-.
12
During mid-January, 1943, three convoys of 2,000
persons each from THERESIENSTADT arrived.
They bore the designations “ CU,” “ CR ” and “ R.”
(The meaning of these signs is unknown to us.) These
markings were also stamped on their luggage. Out
of these 6,000 persons only 600 men and 300 women
were admitted to the camp. The remainder were
gassed.
99.000— 100,000:
End of January, 1943, large convoys of French and
Dutch Jews arrived ; only a small proportion of them
reached the camp.
100.000— 102,000:
Jn February, 1943, 2,000 Aryan Poles, mostly
intellectuals.
102.000— 103,000:
700 Czech Aryans. Later, those still alive were sent
to BUCHENWALD.
103.000— 108,000 :
3,000 French and Dutch Jews and 2,000 Poles
(Aryans).
During the month of February, 1943, two contingents
arrived daily. They included Polish, French, and Dutch
Jews who, in the main, were sent to the gas chambers.
The number gassed during this month can well be
estimated at 90,000.
At the end of February, 1943, a new modern crematorium
and gassing plant was inaugurated at BIRKENAU. The
gassing and burning of the bodies in the Birch Forest
was discontinued, the whole job being taken over by the
four specially built crematoria. The large ditch was filled
in, the ground levelled, and the ashes used as before for
fertilizer at the farm labour camp of HERMENSE, so
that today it is almost impossible to find traces of the
dreadful mass murder which took place here.
At present there are four crematoria in operation at
BIRKENAU, two large ones, I and II, and two smaller
ones, III and IV. Those of type I and II consist of 3 parts,
i.e. : (A) the furnace room ; (B) the large hall ; and (C)
the gas chamber. A huge chimney rises from the furnace
room around which are grouped nine furnaces, each having
four openings. Each opening can take three normal corpses
at once and after an hour and a half the bodies are com-
pletely burned. This corresponds to a daily capacity of
about 2,000 bodies. Next to this is a large “ reception
hall ” which is arranged so as to give the impression of
the antechamber of a bathing establishment. It holds
2,000 people and apparently there is a similar waiting room
on the floor below. From there a door and a few steps
lead down into the very long and narrow gas chamber.
The walls of this chamber are also camouflaged with
simulated entries to shower rooms in order to mislead the
victims. The roof is fitted with three traps which can
be hermetically closed from the outside. A track leads
from the gas chamber towards the furnace room. The
gassing takes place as follows : the unfortunate victims
are brought into hall (B) where they are told to undress.
To complete the fiction that they are going to bathe, each
person receives a towel and a small piece of soap issued
by two men clad in white coats. Then they are crowded
into the gas chamber (C) in such numbers that there is,
of course, only standing room. To compress this crowd
into the narrow space, shots are often fired to induce those
already at the far end to huddle still closer together. When
everybody is inside, the heavy doors are closed. Then there
is a short pause, presumably to allow the room temperature
to rise to a certain level, after which SS men with gas
masks climb on the roof, open the traps, and shake down
a preparation in powder form out of tin cans labelled
“ CYKLON ” “ For use against vermin,” which is manu-
factured by a Hamburg concern. It is presumed that this
is a “ CYANIDE ” mixture of some sort which turns into
gas at a certain temperature. After three minutes everyone
in the chamber is dead. No one is known to have survived
this ordeal, although it was not uncommon to discover
signs of life after the primitive measures employed in the
Birch Wood. The chamber is then opened, aired, and the
“ special squad ” carts the bodies on flat trucks to the
furnace rooms where the burning takes place. Crematoria
III and IV work on nearly the same principle, but their
capacity is only half as large. Thus the total capacity
of the four cremating and gassing plants at BIRKENAU
amounts to about 6,000 daily.
On principle only Jews are gassed ; Aryans very seldom,
as they are usually given “ special treatment ” by shooting.
Before the crematoria were put into service, the shooting
took place in the Birch Wood and the bodies were burned
in the long trench ; later, however, executions took place
in the large hall of one of the crematoria which has been
provided with a special installation for this purpose.
Prominent guests from BERLIN were present at the
inauguration of the first crematorium in March, 1943.
The “ program ” consisted of the gassing and burning of
8,000 Cracow Jews. The guests, both officers and civilians,
were extremely satisfied with the results and . the special
peephole fitted into the door of the gas chamber was in
constant use. They were lavish in their praise of this newly
erected installation.
Rough Ground Plan of
CREMATORIA: TYPES I & II IN BlRKENAU
13
109.000— 119,000:
At the beginning of March, 1943, 45,000 Jews arrived
from Saloniki. 10,000 of them came to the camp,
including a small percentage of the women ; some
30,000, however, went straight to the cremating
establishment. Of the 10,000 nearly all died a short
time later from a contagious illness resembling malaria.
They also died of typhus due to the general conditions
prevailing in the camp.
Malaria among the Jews and typhus took such toll
among the prisoners in general that the “ selections ” were
temporarily suspended. The contaminated Greek Jews
were ordered to present themselves and in spite of our
repeated warnings many of them did. They were all killed
by intracardial phenol injections administered by a lance-
corporal of the medical corps.
Out of the 10,000 Greek Jews, some 1,000 men remained
alive and were later sent, together with 500 other Jews,
to do fortification work in Warsaw. A few weeks later
several hundred came back in a pitiful state and were
immediately gassed. The remainder presumably died in
Warsaw. Foui hundred Greek Jews suffering from malaria
were sent for “ further treatment ” to LUBLIN after
the phenol injections had been stopped, and it appears
that they actually arrived* Their fate is not known to
us, but it can be taken for granted that out of the original
number of 10,000 Jews not one eventually remained in
the camp.
Simultaneously with the stopping of the “ selections ”
the murdering of prisoners was forbidden. Prominent
murderers such as: the Reich German professional criminals
Alexander Neumann, Zimmer, Albert Haemmerel, Rudi
Osteringer, Rudi Bechert, and the political prisoners
Alfred Kien and Alois Stahler, were punished for repeated
murder and had to make written declaration that they had
killed so and so many prisoners.
At the beginning of 1943 the political section of AUSCH-
WITZ received 500,000 discharge certificates and we
thought with ill-concealed joy, that at least a few of us
would be liberated. But the forms were simply filled out
with the names of those gassed and filed away in the
archives.
119.000— 120,000:
1.000 Poles (Aryans) from the PAWIAK penitentiary
in Warsaw.
120.000— 123,000 :
3.000 Greek Jews, part of whom were sent to replace
their comrades in Warsaw. The remainder quickly
died off.
123.000— 124,000:
1.000 Poles (Aryans) from RADOM and TARNOW.
124.000— 126,000 :
2.000 from mixed Aryan convoys.
In the meantime, ceaseless convoys of Polish and a
few French and Belgian Jews arrived and, without excep-
tion, were dispatched to the gas chambers. Among them
was a transport of 1,000 Polish Jews from MAJDANEK
which included three Slovaks, one of whom was a certain
Spira from Stropkow or Vranov.
The flow of convoys abruptly ceased at the end of July*
1943, and there was a short breathing space. The crematoria
were thoroughly cleaned, the installations repaired and
prepared for further use. On August 3 the killing machine
again went into operation. The first convoys consisted
of Jews from BENZBURG and SOSNOWITZ and others
followed during the whole month of August.
132.000— 136,000:
Only 4,000 men and a very small number of women
were brought to the camp. Over 35,000 were gassed.
Of the aforementioned 4.000 men, many died as a
result of bad treatment, hunger or illness ; some
were even murdered. The main responsibility for
these tragedies lies with the criminal TYN (a Reich
German) from the concentration camp of SACH-
SENHAUSEN and the Polish political prisoner No.
8516, Mieczislav KETERZINSKI, from Warsaw.
The “ selections ” were introduced again and this
time to a murderous extent, especially in the women’s
camp. The camp doctor, an SS “ Hauptsturmfiihrer ”
and the son or nephew of the police president of Berlin
(we forget his name) outdid all the others in brutality.
The selection system has been continued ever since,
until our escape.
137.000— 138,000 :
At the end of August 1,000 Poles came from the •
PAWIAK prison and 80 Jews from Greece.
138.000— 141,000 :
3,000 men from various Aryan transports.
142.000— 145,000:
At the beginning of September, 1943, 3,000 Jews
arrived from Polish working camps and Russian
prisoners of war.
148.000— 152,000 :
During the week following September 7, 1943, family
transports of Jews arrived from THERESIEN-
STADT. They enjoyed quite an exceptional status
which was incomprehensible to us. The families were
not separated and not a single one of them received
the customary and “ normal ” gas treatment. Their
heads were not even shaven, they were able to keep
their luggage, and were lodged in a separate section
of the camp, men, women and children together.
The men were not forced to work and a school was
even set up for the children under the direction of
Fredy HIRSCH (Makabi, Prague). They were allowed
to correspond freely. The worst they had to undergo
was mistreatment at the hands of their “ camp
eldest,” a certain professional criminal by the name
of Arno BOHM, prisoner No. 8. Our astonishment
increased when we learned of the official indication
given to this special transport :
“ SB ” — transport of Czech Jews with six months’
quarantine —
We very well knew what “ SB ” meant (“ Sonder-
behandlung ”), but could not understand the long
period of six months’ quarantine and the generally
clement treatment this group received. The longest
quarantine period we had witnessed so far was only
three weeks. Towards the end of the six months’
period, however, we became convinced that the fate
of these Jews would be the same as that of most of
the others — the gas chamber. We tried to get in touch
with the leader of this group and explain their lot
and what they had to expect. Some of them declared
(especially Fredy HIRSCH who seemed to enjoy the
full confidence of his companions) that if our fears
took shape they would organize resistance. Thus,
some of them hoped to instigate a general revolt iD
the camp. On March 6, 1944, we heard that the cre-
matoria were being prepared to receive the Czech Jews.
I hastened to inform Fredy HIRSCH and begged him
to take immediate action as they had nothing to lose.
He replied that he recognized his duty. Before night-
fall I again crept over to the Czech camn wher ■ I
learned that Fredy HIRSCH was dying: he had poisoned
himself with luminol. The next day, March 7 1944, he
was taken, unconscious, along with his, 3791 comrades
who had arrived at BIRKENAU on September 7.
1943, on trucks, to the crematoria and gassed. The
young people went to their death singing, but to our
14
' great disappointment nobody revolted. Some 500
elderly people died during quarantine. Of all. these
Jews only 11 twins were left alive. They are being
i subjected to various medical tests at AUSCHWITZ,
and when we left BIRICENAU they were still alive.
Among the gassed was Rozsi FURST, from SERED.
A week before the gassing, that is to say on March 1,
1944, everyone in the Czech group in the camp had
been asked to inform his relatives about his well being.
The letters had to be dated March 23 to 25, 1944, and
they were requested to ask for food parcels.
, 153,000—154.000 :
1,000 Polish Aryans from the PAVIAK penitentiary.
155.000— 159.000:
During October and November, 1943, 4,000 persons
from various prisons and smaller transports of Jews
from BENZBURG and vicinity, who had been driven
out of their hiding places ; also a group of Russians
under protective custody from the MINSK and
VITEBSK regions. Some more Russian prisoners of
,war arrived and, as stated, they as usual received
numbers between 1 and 12,000.
160.000— 165,000 :
In December, 1943, 5,000 men originating from Dutch,
French, Belgian transports and, f6r the first time,
Italian Jews from FIUME, TRIESTE and ROME.
Of these at least 30,000 were immediately gassed.
The mortality among these Jews was very high and,
, 'in addition, the “ selection ” system was still deci-
mating all ranks. The bestiality of the whole procedure
reached its culminating point between January 10 and
24, 1944, when even young and healthy persons, irre-
spective of profession or working classification — with
the exception of doctors — were ruthlessly “ selected.”
Every single prisoner was called up, a strict control
h — 800 meters h h® —
was established to see that all were present, and the
*" selection ” proceeded under the supervision of the
same camp doctor (son or nephew of the Police Presi-
dent of Berlin) and of the Commandant of BIRKENAU,
SS “ Untersturmfuhrer ” SCHWARZHUBER. The
“ infirmary ” had in the meantime been transferred
from “ Block 7 ” to a separate section of the camp
where conditions had become quite bearable. Its
inmates, nevertheless, were gassed to the last man.
Apart from this group, this general action cost some
2,500 men and over 6,000 women their lives.
165.000— 168,000 :
On December 20, 1943, a further group of 3,000 Jews
arrived from THERESIENSTADT. The convoy was
listed under the same category as the one which had
reached the camp on September 7, i.e. “ SB ” — trans-
port, Czech Jews with six months’ quarantine.” On
their arrival, men, women and children all joined the
September group. They enjoyed the same privileges
as their predecessors. Twenty-four hours before the
gassing of the first group took place, the latest arrivals
were separated from the rest and placed in another
part of the camp where they still are at present. Their
quarantine ends on June 20, 1944.
169.000— 170.000:
1,000 people in small groups, Jews, Poles and Russians
under protective custody.
170.000— 171,000 :
1.000 Poles and Russians and a number of Yugoslavs.
171.000— 174,000 ;
At the end of February and beginning of March,
3.000 Jews from Holland, Belgium, and for the first
time long-established French Jews (not naturalized)
from VICHY, in France. The greater part of this
transport was gassed immediately upon arrival.
800 meters h
WOMEM'3
II
CAMP
b.
□=»
, — , CREM .g
□==*
BATH
0 0 =
1 C fit EM JR
— CBCMJI
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UMBER C OBSTRUCTION (PURPOSE UNKNOWN)
HOUGH GROW vm OF
15
Small groups of BENZBURGER and SOSNOWITZER
Jews, who had been dragged from hiding, arrived in the
middle of March. One of them told me that many Polish
Jews were crossing over to Slovakia and from there to
Hungary, and that the Slovak Jews helped them on their
way through.
After the gassing of the THERESIENSTADT transport
there were no further arrivals until March 15, 1944. The
effective strength of the camp rapidly diminished and
men of later incoming transports, especially Dutch Jews,
were directed to the camp. When we left on April 7, 1944
we, heard that large convoys of Greek Jews were expected.
The camp of BIRKENAU consists of three building
areas. At present only sections I and II are guarded by the
inner chain of sentry posts, whereas section III is still under
construction and uninhabited. At the time of our departure
from the camp (the beginning of April, 1944), the following
categories of prisoners were in BIRKENAU :
Section I (Women’s Concentration Camp)
Slov.
Jews
Other
Jews
Aryans
Remarks
la and lb
app.
app.
app.
In addition to the
300
7,000
6,000
300 Slovak Jewish
girls, app. 100 are
employed in the
administrat io n
building of
AUSCHWITZ.
Section II (Women’s Concentration Camp)
Slov.
Jews
Other
Jews
Aryans
Remarks
Ha Quaran- 2
tine camp
app.
200
app.
800
One of the two
Slovak Jews is
Dr. Andreas
MULLER from
Podolinec (block
eldest).
lib Jews from —
THERESI-
app.
3,500
—
With a six month*
quarantine.
ENSTADT.
lie At present —
.
uninhabited
lid “ Stamm- 58
lager.”
app.
4,000
app.
6,00o
—
He Gypsy —
camp
app.
4,500
This is the remainder
of some 16,000
gypsies. They are
not used for work
and die off rapidly.
Ilf Infirmary 6
app.
1,000
app.
500
The six Slovak Jews
are all employees
of the building,
namely :
No. 36,832 Walter SPITZER, block eldest from
NEMSOVA, came to LUBLIN from
BIRKENAU.
„ 29,867 Jozef NEUMANN (“overseer” of the
“ corpse crew ” ) from SNINA.
„ 44,989 Josef ZEOMANOVIC, “ staff ” from
SNINA,
— Cham KATZ, “staff” from SNINA.
No. 30,049 Ludwig SOLMANN, “ clerk ” from KES-
MAREK.
„ 32,407 Ludwig EISENSTADTER, tattooist from
KREMPACHY.
The internal administration of the camp of BIRKENAU
' is run by specially selected prisoners. The “blocks” are
not inhabited according to nationalities, but rather according
to working categories. Each block is supervised by a staff
of five, i.e., a block eldest, a block recorder, a male nurse,
and two attendants.
The block eldest
He wears an arm band with the number of his block,
and is responsible for order there. He has power over life
and death. Until February, 1944, nearly 50 percent of
the block eldests were Jews, but this was stopped by order
of BERLIN. They all had to resign with the exception
of three Jews who, in spite of this order, were able to keep
their posts.
The black recorder
He is the block eldest’s right hand, does all the clerical
work, keeping the index cards and records. His work is
of great responsibility and he has to keep his ledgers with
painful exactitude as the index cards only indicate the
number and not the name of the prisoners ; errors are
fatal. For instance, if the recorder has noted down a death
by mistake — and this often occurs with the unusually
high mortality — the discrepancy is simply straightened
out by killing the bearer of the corresponding number.
Corrections are not admitted. The block recorder occupies
a key post which is often mis used.
Nursing and “ room ” duties
They consist in keeping the inside of the barracks clean
and carrying out small manual jobs in and around the block.
Of course there is no question of really taking care of the
sick.
The camp eldest supervises the whole camp ; he is also
a prisoner. This post is at present held by :
Franz DANISCH, No. 11,182, a political prisoner,
from KONIGSHceTTE, Upper Silesia. He is undisputed
master of the whole camp and has power to nominate
or dismiss block eldests and block-recorders, hand out
jobs, etc.
Further we have a “ chief recorder ” whose position is
undoubtedly one of the most powerful in the camp. He
is in direct contact with camp headquarters, receiving
their orders and reporting on all matters. All camp
recorders are directly subordinated to him and have to
submit all their reports to him. The chief recorder of
BIRKENAU is :
Kasimir GORK, No. 31,029, a Pole from WARSAW,
a former bank clerk.
The supreme control over the blocks lies in the hands
of six to eight “ block leaders,” all SS men. Every night
they hold roll call, the result of which is communicated to :
The Camp Leader, “ Untersturmfiihrer ” SCHWAR-
ZHUBER, from the Tyrol. This individual is an alcoholic
and a sadist. Over him is the camp commander who
also controls AUSCHWITZ where there is a second
subordinate camp leader. The camp commander’s
name is : HOESS.
The Chief of a work squad or group is called the “ Capo.”
During work the “ Capo ” has full authority over his
group of prisoners and not infrequently one of these
“ Capos ” kills a man working under him. In larger squads
there may be several “ Capos ” who are then under the
orders of a “ Capo-in-chief.” At first there were many
Jewish “ Capos,” but an order from BERLIN prohibited
their being employed.
Supreme control over work is carried out by German
specialists.
16
II. MAJDANEK
On June 14, 1942, we left NOVAKY, passed through
ZILINA and arrived at ZWARDON toward 5 o’clock
in the evening. We were assembled, counted, and SS men
took over our convoy. One of these guards voiced his
surprise at the fact that we had made the journey without
water, by shouting : “ Those Slovak barbarians, give
them no water 1 ” The journey continued and we reached
LUBLIN two days later. Here the following order was
issued : “ Those fit for work aged between 15 and 50 are
to leave the cars. Children and old people remain.” We
struggled out of the freight car and discovered that the
station was surrounded by Lithuanians in SS uniforms,
all armed with automatic pistols. The cars containing
the children and old people were immediately closed and
the train moved on. We do not know where they went
and what happened to them.
The SS troop leader in command informed us that we
had a long way ahead of us, but that whoever wanted to
take his luggage with him could do so. Those who pre-
ferred to put it on a truck would certainly receive it later.
So some of us dragged along our luggage, whereas others
loaded it on the truck.
Behind the town stood a clothing factory called the
“ Bekleidungswerke.” In the courtyard waiting for their
noon meal some 1,000 prisoners in dirty striped clothing,
obviously Jews, were lined up and the sight of them was
none too encouraging. Arriving on a small hill we suddenly
sighted the vast barrack camp of MAJDANEK surrounded
by a 3-meter-high barbed-wire fence. No sooner had we
gone through the entrance gate than I met a prisoner
who warned me that all our personal belongings would be
taken away. Around us stood Slovak Jews in a wretched
condition, their heads shaven, in dirty prison clothes and
wooden clogs or 6imply bare-footed, many of them having
swollen feet. They begged us for food and we gave them
what we could spare, knowing very well that everything
would be confiscated anyway. We were then conducted
to the stock room where we had to leave everything we
possessed. At double time we were herded into another
barrack where we had to undress, were shaved, and given
a shower. After this we were issued convict outfits, wooden
clogs and caps.
I was assigned to “ working section No. 2 ” as the whole
camp was divided into three such sections separated by
wire fences. Section No. 2 was occupied by a number of
Slovak and Czech Jews. For two full days we were taught
how to remove and put on our caps when we met a German.
Then in the pouring rain we practised roll-calling for hours.
The barrack accommodations were quite original to say
the least. Three long tables (nearly as long as the barrack
itself) had been placed one on top of the other. These
comprised our “ bunks ” (4 floors of them, that is ground
floor plus the three tables). A small passage was kept
open along the walls.
Our food consisted of a fairly thick “ soup ” early in
the morning which had to be eaten with the hands. We
got the same soup again at lunch. The evening meal con-
sisted of a brew called “ tea,” 300 grams of bad bread
and some 20 to 30 grams of marmalade or artificial fat
of the worst quality.
Great importance was attributed during the first few days
to the learning of the “ camp song.” For hours we stood
singing :
From the whole of Europe came
We Jews of Lublin,
Much work has to be done
And this is the beginning.
To manage this duty
Forget all about the past.
For in fulfilment of duty
There is community.
Therefore on to work with vigour.
Let everyone play his part.
Together we want to work
At the same pace and rhythm.
Not all will understand
Why we stand here in rows.
Those must we soon force
To understand its meaning.
Modern times must teach us.
Teach us all along.
That it is to work
And only to work we belong.
Therefore on to work with vigour.
Let everyone play his part.
Together we want to work
At the same pace and rhythm.
(This is a literal translation of the song.)
Working section No. I was occupied by Slovak Jews.
„ ,, ,, II ,, „ Slovak and
Czech Jews.
,, ,, ,, III ,, ,, Partisans.
Working sections Nos. IV & V were being built by the Jews
of Sectors I and II.
The Partisans in Section III were locked up in thei r
barracks without having to work and their food was thrown
at them as if they had been dogs. They died in great numbers
in their over-crowded barracks and were shot at the slightest
excuse by the guards who did not dare venture too near
them.
The “ Capos ” were Reich Germans and Czechs ; whereas
the Germans were brutal, the Czechs helped wherever
they could. The camp eldest was a gypsy from HOLIC
by the name of GALBAVY. His adjutant, a Jew from
SERED called MITTLER, certainly owed his post to his
brutal actions. He took full advantage of the power con-
ferred upon him to torment the Jews who, as it was,
already had their full share of hardships. The evening roll
call brought us more brutal treatment from the SS men
and for hours we had to stand in the open after a hard
day’s work and sing the “ camp song.” A Jewish orchestra
leader was forced to conduct from the roof of one of the
barracks. This was the occasion of much hilarity among
the SS men.
During these “ concert parties ” the SS guards were
very generous with blows and physical punishment. A
tragic end befell Rabbi ECKSTEIN from SERED who
was suffering from dysentery and once came a few minutes
too late for the roll call. The group leader had him seized
and dipped head first into one of the latrines, then poured
cold water over him, drew his revolver and shot him.
17
The crematorium was located between working sections
I and II and all the bodies were burned there. With an
effective strength of 6,000 to 8,000 men per working
section, the mortality was about 30 a day. This figure
later increased five-and sixfold. In other instances 10 to
20 inmates were removed from the sick room, brought
to the crematorium and burned, after having been put to
death in a manner which I have not been able to find out.
This crematorium was electrically heated and the attendants
were Russians.
Illnesses increased as a result of the bad food and intoler-
able living conditions. Serious stomach troubles and a
seemingly incurable foot disease spread throughout the
camp. The feet of the victims swelled up to the point
where they could not walk. More and more of the sick
were now being taken to the crematorium and when, on
June 26, 1942, the number thus treated rose to 70, I decided
to take an opportunity which was offered to me and applied
for a transfer to AUSCHWITZ.
On June 27, 1942, I discarded my prisoner’s outfit and
travelled to AUSCHWITZ in civilian clothes.
After a journey of 48 hours during which we were couped
up in freight cars without food or water, we arrived at
AUSCHWITZ half dead. At the entrance gate the huge
poster : “ Work brings freedom,” greeted us. As the
courtyard was clean and well kept, and the brick buildings
made a good impression after the dirty and primitive
barracks of LUBLIN, we thought that the change was
for the best. We were taken to a cellar and received tea
and bread. Next day, however, our civilian clothes were
taken away, our heads were shaved, and our numbers
were tattooed on our forearms in the usual way. Finally,
we were issued a set of prisoner’s clothes similar to those we
had worn in LUBLIN and were enrolled as “ political
prisoners ” in the concentration camp of AUSCHWITZ.
We were billeted in “ Block 17 ” and slept on the floor.
In an adjoining row of buildings, separated from ours by
a high wall, the Jewish girls from Slovakia, who had been
brought there in March and April of 1942, were quartered.
We worked in the huge “BUNA” plant to which we
were herded every morning about 3 a.m. At midday our
food consisted of potato or turnip soup and in the evening
we received some bread. During work we were terribly
mistreated. As our working place was situated outside
the large chain of sentry posts, it was divided into small
sectors of 10x10 meters, each guarded by an SS man.
Whoever stepped outside these squares during working
hours was immediately shot without warning for having
“ attempted to escape.” Often it happened that out of
pure spite an SS man would order a prisoner to fetch some
given object outside his square. If he followed the order,
he was shot for having left his assigned place. The work
was extremely hard and there were no rest periods. The
way to and from work had to be covered at a brisk military
trot ; anyone falling out of line was shot. On my arrival
about 3,000 people, of whom 2,000 were Slovak Jews,
were working on this emplacement. Very few could bear
the strain and although escape seemed hopeless, attempts
were made every day. The result was several hangings a week.
After a number of weeks of painful work at the “ BUNA ”
plant a terrible typhus epidemic broke out. The weaker
prisoners died in hundreds. An immediate quarantine
was ordered and work at the “ BUNA ” stopped. Those
still alive were sent, at the end of July, 1942, to the gravel
pit but there work was even still more strenuous. We
were in such a state of weakness that, even in trying to
do our best, we could not satisfy the overseers. Most of
us got swollen feet. Due to our inability to perform the
heavy work demanded of us our squad was accused of
being lazy and disorderly. Soon after a medical commission
inspected all of us ; they carried out their job very
thoroughly. Anyone with swollen feet or particularly weak
was separated from the rest. Although I was in great pain.
I controlled myself and stood erect in front of the com-
mission who passed me as physically fit. Out of 300 persons
examined, 200 were found to be unfit and immediately
sent to BIRKENAU and gassed. I was then detailed
for work at the DAW (Deutsche Aufrustungswerke) where
we had to paint skis. The prescribed mi nim um to be painted
each day was 120. Anyone unable to paint this many
was thoroughly flogged in the evening. It meant working
very hard to avoid this punishment. Another group was
employed at making cases for hand grenades. At one time
15,000 had been completed but it was found that they
were a few centimeters too small. As p unishm ent., several
Jews were shot for sabotage.
Somewhere around the middle of August, 1942, all
the Jewish girls from Slovakia who lived next to our
quarters, on the other side of the wall, were transferred
to BIRKENAU. I had the opportunity to talk to them
and was able to see how weak and half-starved all of them
were. They were dressed in old Russian uniform rags
and wore wooden clogs. Their heads were shaven clean.
The same day we again had to undergo a strict examination
and those suspected of having typhus were removed to
the Birch Wood. The remainder were shaved afresh, bathed,
issued a new set of clothes and finally billeted in the barracks
the girls had just left. By chance I learned that there was
an opening in the “ clearance squad ” and I handed in
my application. I was detailed to this task.
This squad consisted of about a hundred Jewish prisoners.
We were sent to a far corner of the camp, away from all
our comrades. Here we found huge shed-! full of knapsacks,
suitcases, and other luggage. We had to open each piece
of baggage and sort the contents into large cases specially
prepared for each category of goods, i.e., combs, mirrors,
sugar, canned food, chocolate, medicines, etc. The cases
were then stored away. Underwear, shorts and clothes
of all kinds went to a special barrack, where they were
sorted out and packed by Jewish girls. Old and worn
clothes were addressed to the “TEXTILE FACTORY”
at MEMEL, whereas the usable garments were dispatched
to a collecting center in BERLIN. Gold, money, bank
notes, and precious stones had to be handed over to the
political section. Many of these objects were, however,
stolen by the SS guards or by prisoners. A brutal and
vile individual who often struck the women is commander
of this squad. He is SS “ Scharfiihrer ” WYKLEFF.
Every day the girls who came to their work from
BIRKENAU described to us the terrible conditions pre-
vailing there. They were beaten and brutalized and their
mortality was much higher than among the men. Twice
a week “ selections ” took place, and every day new girls-
replaced those who had disappeared.
During a night shift I was able to witness for the first
time how incoming convoys were handled. The transport
I saw contained Polish Jews. They had received no water
for days and when the doors of the freight cars were opened
we were ordered to chase them out with loud shouts. They
were utterly exhausted and about a hundred of them had
died during the journey. The living were lined up in rows
of five. Our job was to remove the dead, dying, and the
luggage from the cars. The dead, and this included anyone
unable to stand on his feet, were piled in a heap. Luggage
and parcels were collected and stacked up. Then the rail-
road cars had to be thoroughly cleaned so that no trace
of their frightful load was left behind. A commission from
the political department proceeded with the “ selection ”
of approximately 10 percent of the men and 5 percent of
the women and had them transferred to the camps. Tbc
remainder were loaded on trucks, sent to BIRKENAU.
and gassed while the dead and dying were taken directly
to the furnaces. It often happened that small children
were thrown alive into the trucks along with the dead.
Parcels and luggage were taken to the warehouses and
sorted out in the previously described manner.
18
Between July and September, 1942, a typhus epidemic
had raged in AUSCHWITZ, especially in the women’s
camp of BIRKENAU. None of the sick received medical
attention and in the first stages of the epidemic a great
many were killed by phenol injections, and later on others
were gassed wholesale. Some 15,000 to 20,000, mostly Jews,
died during these two months. The girls’ camp suffered
the most, as it was not fitted with sanitary installations,
and the poor wretches were covered with lice. Every week
large “ selections ” took place and the gii'ls had to present
themselves naked to the “ selection committee,” regardless
of weather conditions. They waited in deadly fear whether
they would be chosen or given another week’s grace.
Suicides were frequent and were mostly committed by
throwing one’s self against the high tension wires of the
inner fence. This went on until they had dwindled to
5 percent of their original number. Now there are only
400 of these girls left and most of them have been able
to secure some sort of clerical post in the women’s camp.
About 100 girls hold jobs at the staff building in AUSCH-
WITZ where they do all the clerical work connected with
the administration of the two camps. Thanks to their
knowledge of languages they are also used as interpreters.
Others are employed in the main kitchen and laundry.
Of late these girls have been able to dress themselves quite
well as • they have had opportunities to complete their
wardrobes which, in some cases, even include silk stockings.
Generally speaking they are reasonably well off and are
even allowed to let their hair grow. Of course this cannot
be said of the other Jewish inmates of the women’s camp.
It just so happens that these Slovak Jewish girls have beep
in the camp the longest of all. But if, today, they enjoy
certain privileges, they have previously undergone fright-,
ful sufferings.
I was not to hold this comparatively good job with the
“ clearance squad ” for long. Shortly afterwards I was
transferred to BIRKENAU on disciplinary grounds and
remained there over a year and a half. On April 7, 1944,
I managed to escape with my companion.
Careful estimate of the number of Jews gassed in
BIRKENAU between April, 1942, and April, 1944 (accord-
ing to countries of origin) :
Poland (transported by truck) approximately 300,000
„ ( ,, ,, train) „ 600,000
Holland „ 100,000
Greece . . . . . . . . „ 45,000
France . . . . . . . . „ 150,000
Belgium .. .. .. .. ,, 50,000
Germany .... . . . . „ 60,000
Yugoslavia, Italy and Norway ,, 50,000
Lithuania . . . . . . ,, 50,000
Bohemia, Moravia and Austria ,, 30,000
Slovakia .. .. .. .. „ 30,000
Various camps for foreign Jews in
Poland „ 300,000
Approximately 1,765,000
19
III. BIRKENAU
On August 6, 1944, a report was received in Switzerland
covering the happenings in BIRKENAU during the period
between April 7 and May 27. This second report was drawn
up by two other young Jews who succeeded in escaping
from this camp and reaching Slovakia. Their declarations
complete the first report, particularly in regard to the
arrival of the Hungarian Jews in BIRKENAU. They
also add certain new details not contained in the previous
accounts. It has not been possible, however, to check
the origin of this “ second report ” as closely as it was
the first.
After the flight of the two Slovak Jews from BIRKENAU
on April 7, 1944, great excitement reigned in the camp.
The “ Political Division ” of the Gestapo instituted a
thorough-going investigation, and the friends and superiors
of the two escapees were closely questioned, although in
vain. Since the two had held posts as “ block recorders,”
all Jews exercising such functions, by way of punishment
and also as a precautionary measure, were removed and,
as the Gestapo suspected that they had succeeded in
escaping through Building No. 3, the outer chain of sentry
posts was considerably shortened so that now it cuts
through the middle of Building No. 3.
At the beginning of the month of April, a transport of
Greek Jews arrived, of whom about 200 were admitted
to the camp. The remainder of circa 1,500 were immediately
gassed.
Between the 10th and 15th of April some 5,000 “ Aryans ”
arrived in BIRKENAU, mainly Poles, some 2,000 to 3,000
women among them being from the abandoned camp of
LUBLIN-MAJDANEK. They were given numbers running
from approximately :
176,000—181,000 :
Among the women were about 300 Jewish girls from
Poland. The greater part of the new arrivals were
ill, weak, and very run down. According to their
information the healthy ones had been sent from
LUBLIN to German concentration camps. Con-
cerning the fate of the Jews held in the camp of
LUBLIN-MAJDANEK, we learned from them,
especially from the Jewish girls, that on November
3, 1943, all Jews in this camp, that is some 11,000
men and 6,000 women, were killed.
We recalled that about this time the SS in
BIRKENAU had reported that LUBLIN had been
attacked by partisans and, in order to fight against
the latter, a number of the SS personnel from
BIRKENAU had been temporarily transferred to
LUBLIN. It was now clear to us for what purpose
our SS had gone to LUBLIN.
Apparently the Jews had been compelled to dig
a long, deep grave in Field V of the camp of MAJ-
DANEK and on November 3 they were brought out
in groups of 200 to 300, shot and thrown into the grave.
Within 24 hours everything was over. During the
execution, loud music was played to drown out the
shots.
Three hundred girls who were active in LUBLIN
on the “ clearing-up Commando ” and as recorders
were left alive. Three days after their arrival in
BIRKENAU they were all gassed and burned on
special order of BERLIN. Through an error on the
part of the “ recorder ” two of the girls were not sent
to the gas chamber. This was discovered, however,
the next day, and the girls were immediately shot
and the recorder replaced.
The fate of the LUBLIN Jews caused great depression
among the Jews in the camp of BIRKENAU who
became afraid that one day the whole of BIRKENAU
would suddenly be “ liquidated ” in the same way.
Approximately No. 182,000
Toward the end of April more Greek Jews were brought
to BIRKENAU. Some 200 were admitted to the
camp and about 3,000 exterminated.
183,000 to 185,000 :
At the beginning of May, 1944, smaller transports
of Dutch, French, Belgian, and Greek Jews arrived,
as well as Polish “ Aryans.” Most of them were put
to work in the BUNA plant.
On May 10, 1944, the first transport of Hungarian Jews
arrived in BIRKENAU. They were principally from the
prisons of Budapest, including those who had been arrested
in the streets and railroad stations of the city. Among
the women were :
Ruth Lorant
IViici Lorant
Ruth Quasztler
Irene Roth
Barna Fuchs.
The transport was received in AUSCHWITZ and
BIRKENAU according to the well-known procedure
(heads shaved, numbers tattooed, etc.). The men were
given numbers beginning with 186,000 and the women
were placed in the women’s camp. About 600 men, of
whom some 150 were between the ages of 45 and 60, were
brought to BIRKENAU where they were divided up
among various work detachments. Tbe remainder stayed
in AUSCHWITZ where they worked in the BUNA plant.
The members of the transport were all left alive and
none of them, as had been customary, were sent directly
to the crematoria. In the postcards which they were
allowed to write, they had to give “ Waldsee ” as return
address.
On May 15 mass transports from Hungary began to
arrive in BIRKENAU. Some 14,000 to 15,000
arrived daily. The spur railroad track which ran into the
camp to the crematoria was completed in great haste,
the crews working night and day, so that the transports
could be brought directly to the crematoria. Only about
10 percent of these transports were admitted to the camp ;
the balance were immediately gassed and burned. Never
had so many Jews been gassed since the establishment
of BIRKENAU. The “ Special Commando ” had to In-
increased to 600 men and, after two or three days, to 800
(people being recruited from among the Hungarian Jews
who had arrived first). The size of the “ Clearing Com-
mando ” was stepped up from 150 to 700 men. Three
crematoria worked day and night (the 4th was being
20
repaired at that time) and, since the capacity of the
crematoria was not enough, great pits 30 meters long and
15 meters wide were once more dug in the “ Birkenwald ”
(as in the time before the crematoria) where corpses were
burned day and night. Thus the “ exterminating capacity ”
became almost unlimited.
The Hungarian Jews who were left alive (about 10
percent) were not included in the normal camp “ enroll-
ment.” Although they were shaved and shorn and received
convict’s clothing, they were not tattooed. They were
housed in a separate section of the camp, section “ C,”
and were later transferred to various concentration camps
in the German Reich : Buchenwald, Mauthausen, Gross-
rosen, Gusen, Flossenburg, Sachsenhausen, etc. The
women were temporarily quartered in the “ gypsy camp ”
in separate blocks and then also transferred elsewhere.
Jewish girls from Slovakia were “ block eldests ” there.
The first Hungarian transports came from : Munkacs,
Nagyszollos, Nyiregyhaza, Ungvar, Huszt, Kassau,
Beregszasz, Marmarossziget, Nagyberezna. Among those
remaining alive were :
Robert and Ervin Waizen
Stark
Ehrenreich
Katz, Chaim.
The last two have already been transferred. The parents
of the Waizen brothers were gassed.
The transports of Hungarian Jews were under the par-
ticular control of the former Camp Commander “ Haupt-
sturmbannfiihrer ” HOSS, who travelled continually
between AUSCHWITZ and Budapest. The Commandant
of Birkenau at this time was HOSS’s former adjutant,
“ Hauptsturmfiihrer ” KRAMER.
187,000 to 189,000 :
1,600 French “ Aryans,” almost exclusively intellectuals
and prominent persons, including a small number of
Polish “ emigres.” Among the French were high
officers, members of leading French financial circles,
well-known journalists and politicians, and even,
it was said, former ministers. On their arrival some
of them rebelled but were put down in an exceedingly
brutal fashion by the SS, some of them being shot
on the spot. The French were very courageous and
self-possessed. They were strictly isolated in BIR-
KENAU and no one was allowed to have any contact
with them. After two weeks, on orders from Berlin,
they were sent to Mauthausen (near Linz, in Austria).
Since the middle of May the newly arrived Jews no
longer received consecutive numbers, as formerly. A new
numbering system was inaugurated beginning with No. 1
preceded by the tattooed letter “ A.” We do not know
the reason for this measure. At the time of our flight,
on May 27, 1944, about 4,000 Jews had received these
new numbers. The 4,000 were composed of 1,000 Dutch,
French, and Italian Jews and 3,000 Jews from THERE-
SIENSTADT who reached BIRKENAU on May 23, 1944.
These were treated exactly as the previous two transports
from THERESIENSTADT. They were quartered (unshorn)
with the members of the previous convoy from THERE-
SIENSTADT (who have been in BIRKENAU since
December 20, 1943, and whose “ quarantine ” is due to
be up on June 20, 1944) in Section I IB.
According to the statement of a Jew from the “ Special
Commando,” “ Reichsfiihrer ” Himmler was said to have
visited BIRKENAU on the 15th or 16th of May. On
one of these days I myself saw three automobiles and five
men in civilian clothing drive towird the crem itoria.
The Jew who made this statement declared that he, as
well as others, recognized Himmler, who had visited
crematorium No. 1, and after a stay of about half an hour
had again driven off with those accompanying him. On the
day after there was an account in the Silesian newspapers
of Himmler’s visit to Cracow, so that? this report could
be true.
One other happening should not be forgotten which was
told to us by the men of the “ Special Commando.” In
the late summer of 1943, a commission of four Dutch Jews
— distinguished looking men — came to AUSCHWITZ.
Their visit had already apparently been announced to
the Camp Commander, for the Dutch Jews in AUSCH-
WITZ received better clothes, as well as regular eating
equipment (plates, spoons, etc.) and better food. The
commission of four were very politely received and were
shown over the camp buildings and particularly those
portions which were clean and made a good impression.
Dutch Jews from the camp were brought to them who
reported that only a portion of the Dutch Jews were in
this camp, the others being in other s imil ar camps. In
this manner the four men were satisfied and signed a state-
ment according to which the commission had found every-
thing in good order in AUSCHWITZ. After the signing
the four Dutch Jews expressed a desire to see the camp
of BIRKENAU and particularly the crematoria about
which they had heard some stories. The camp authorities
declared themselves quite willing to show them both
BIRKENAU and the crematoria, the latter being used,
they said, to cremate those who died in the camp. The
commission was then taken to BIRKENAU, accompanied
by the camp leader, Aumayer, and immediately to
crematorium No. 1. Here they were shot from behind.
A telegram was supposedly sent to Holland reporting
that after leaving AUSCHWITZ the four men had been
victims of an unfortunate automobile accident.
There is a biological laboratory in AUSCHWITZ where
SS, civilian, and internee doctors are occupied. The women
and girls on whom experiments are performed are housed
in Block 10. For a long time the “ block eldest ” there
was Magda Hellinger from Michalovce and a girl named
Rozsi (family name unknown) from Hummene. Experi-
ments were carried out only on Jewish girls and women,
although to date no Slovakian girls have been used.
Experiments were also performed on men but the latter
were not housed separately. A great many died as a result
of these experiments. Often gypsies were used. Block 10,
where the “ subjects ” of the experiments are housed,
is completely isolated, and even the window openings are
walled up. No one whatsoever had admission to it.
The Commandants of AUSCHWITZ and BIRKENAU
have been to date, the following : AUMAYER, SCHWAR-
ZHUBER, WEISS, HARTENSTEIN, HOSS, and
KRAMER.
21
APPROXIMATE SITUATION SKETCH
OF AUSCHWITZ AND BIRKENAU
CAMP DISTRICTS
y
x
X
X
*
x
x
X
It
■*
a -
At/scfiwm
(c #/*>/>)
1 |
K/tuPP [ |
A v ^x
x X X *
'"p
X
It * 1
OF St**
X X X
LEGEND
■I.n.m.ff-Gas chamber and crematorium
with distinctive sign a high chimney
6
REPORT No. 2
TRANSPORT
(The Polish Major’s Report)
24
1 . TRANSPORT
On March 24, 1942, we were gathered together in special
“ assembling cell ” No. 2 of the Montelupich prison in
Cracow. We knew that our group consisting of 60 men
was to be sent to the concentration camp of OSWIECIM
(AUSCHWITZ). At 8 o’clock the next morning, two SS
guards appeared with lists and started counting those
present. We had to undress and wait. Finally the doors
were opened and we caught sight of two columns of SS
guards and policemen with fixed bayonets. In the court-
yard two trucks were parked in each of which 30 men had
to take their places. These trucks were quite small and
the space on the inside was divided in two by a chain
running across the middle. The first to enter had to stand
with bent heads, whereas the others crouched down between
the legs of the standing men. In this way it was possible
to fill up the very small space with 30 men. We were
loaded in with blows from rifle-butts, shouts and k'cks.
In the second separated section of the truck, two SS men
stood guard with machine guns. We departed. Behind us,
at a certain distance, followed motor-cyclists with machine
guns. Our trucks were hermetically closed so that there
was no pos ibility of seeing where we were going. Our
journey lasted lj hours with several short stops. Our
lim bs grew stiff as there was no possibility of changing
one’s position, and one of our men who was up against
the chain became unconscious. He was brought back to
his senses by blows from the guards. At last we arrived,
staggered to the ground, and found ourselves standing
in front of a gate over which we could read : “ Work
brings freedom.” Inside, an orchestra was playing. This
was AUSCHWITZ and it appeared that we were expected.
We were lined up in columns of five (a system applied
on every conceivable occasion in the camp) and the names
of the “ newcomers ” were once fnore read out. The man
called up had immediately to run over to the one reading
the roll and place himself in a line with those already sum-
moned, after having received his number from the hands
of an assistant. From this moment on, names were replaced
by numbers. This system of “ reception ” was maintained
until the summer of 1943. Later, all the prisoners (with
the exception of Germans) had their numbers tattooed
on their upper forearms, which had been the practice in
the case of Jews from the beginning. This whole numbering
system was apparently applied to lessen the possibility
of escape and to make it easier to identify the bodies.
These numbers were handed to us by the “ block leader ”
named STUBA, after which we went bareheaded and
accompanied by the orchestra into the camp itself. The
clock stood at 11 a.m. After a short visit to the “ stock ”
room, we were shut up in a barrack until 5 p.m. There
we were visited by a number of old inmates who earnestly
begged us to give them our watches, rings, lighters, and
cigarettes to avoid their being confiscated. Any food brought
with us should be eaten at once, as it would be taken away
as well. In return the prisoners promised us bread, soup,
etc., once we were officially incorporated into their ranks.
At last the Capo (a sort of camp overseer) arrived and
delivered a short talk in which he stressed that a prisoner
could not exist in this camp for more than two months
without the help of his comrades ; and this was to be
confirmed later on by numerous examples. Out of the 60
originally in my group I was to be the only survivor.
At 5 p.m. we were herded out into the corridor. There
we had to undress and pack our clothes into bundles pro-
vided with our respective numbers. We stood there naked.
All we were allowed to keep were a belt and two handker-
chiefs. I wanted to keep a small holy picture, but one of
the prisoners who acted as assistant in these operations
dissuaded me, saying : “ It isn’t worth while ; you will
merely be laughed at and it will finally be taken anyway.”
First, our hair was cut short and then our heads shaved,
after which we were given a bath. The water was very warm.
All these preparations prior to being admitted as an inmate
to the camp took place in “ Block 27.” Next, although
it was snowing, we had to run to “ Block 26 ” where the
clothing room was, located. There we were issued our
prisoner’s outfits wh : ch consisted of a shirt, underpants,
shoes, socks, a warm jacket, trousers, vest, cap, and blanket.
Everything was filthy, patched, and practically worn out.
My jacket, for instance, could be buttoned up in front,
but the back and sleeves merely consisted of black strips
of cloth patched together. Finally this operation came to
an end and we were again lined up : n rows of five and taken
to one of the “ blocks.” There we were awaited by the
“ block leader ” (most of them were Poles from Upper
Silesia) who initiated us into the mysteries of barrack duties.
We were instructed in sweeping and cleaning the dormi-
tories, in taking off our caps when commanded, and how
to keep in line and step. Orders were given in German
and when badly carried out the block leader grew furious
and struck people right and left. The evening roll call
finally put an end to these exercises. The block leader
then assembled his people in front of their respective blocks
and, in turn, all the block leaders presented their figures
to the chief recorder or clerk. If the number of prisoners
tallied with the records, the roll call was over ; actually
the whole tiring ceremony was nothing else but one of
the numerous ways in which the prisoners were mistreated.
During 1940, 1941, and 1942 the roll call was usually
expected to last at least an hour in all weather conditions
— frost, rain, or snow — the prisoners having to wait patiently
with bare heads. If an escape was reported, which resulted
in a “ manco ” at evening roll call, all those assembled
had to wait outside until the result of the search was known.
The search parties usually returned three or four hours
later and with disastrous consequences for all the prisoners’
health. In 1940, for example, one escape cost the lives of a
hundred inmates. It was during severe winter weather
and the prisoners were forced to stand out of doors from
3.30 in the afternoon until 11 o’clock next morning, as a
result of which a hundred totally or half-frozen men were
counted.
After the roll call we returned to our blocks where we
were allotted “ rooms ” ; we slept three to a bad. Old-timers
told us that the best thing to do was to use our clothing
as a pillow ; otherwise something was bound to be stolen.
So we lay down without having had the slightest bit of
food the whole day. The “ reception ” had been so strenuous
and exhausting that all of us immediately fell asleep.
At 4 a.m. we were awakened by a gong and frightful
confusion ensued. About 100 ppople were compressed into
the small hall space and in a wild stampede each one first
tried to tidy up his bed (the block leader would not tolerate
the smallest wrinkle in the bedding) and diess himself.
There was no question of washing. Ten minutes after the
gong had sounded the “ room eldest ” arrived and kicked
everyone out into the corridor as the “ rooms ” had to be
cleaned. The corridor was thronged with people who
25
flocked together from all over the block. Most of them
had managed to get dressed. There was really scarcely room
to move in this crowd and we were pushed against walls
and squashed into corners and often kicked or hit for no
apparent reason. After having been in the camp for over
24 hours, we finally received some cold, unsweetened coffee,
after which there was a further wait of one and one-half
hours until roll call ; then all the prisoners were taken to
work. The newcomers were at first told to fill in question-
naires in which they had to indicate an address where they
desired their letters to be sent. It was strictly forbidden
not to give an address or not to write, as “ they ” obviously
needed an address to which the death of a prisoner could
be reported when the need arose.
Each of us was issued a piece of cloth with a triangle
and his number painted on it, which we were instructed
to sew on our tunics. Prisoners were numbered from No. 1
onwards, and in November, 1943, the last consecutive
serial number had reached 170,000. The triangles in
question were of different colors, each representing a
category of criminal or prisoner. The “ Aryan ” triangle
was red, the red corresponding, to a political prisoner, green
to professional criminals, black to “ work-shirkers,” pink
to homosexuals (according to paragraph 175) and violet
to members of the “ Bibelforscher ” religious sect. In
addition, a large letter indicated the nationality of the
prisoner, such as “ P ” for the Poles, etc. For Jews the
insignia was composed of a yellow triangle on which was
sewn a second triangle whose color corresponded to the
“ crime,” the whole forming a Jewish star. From this
marking system one could therefore rapidly pick out, for
instance, a Polish Jewish political prisoner or a Jewish
“ work-slacker,” etc.
When we had finished sewing on our triangles and numbers,
we were herded over to the “ infirmary ” where we were
to be “ examined ” by a German doctor regarding our
physical aptness for work. Again we had to undress and
stand in a chilly corridor for almost three hours, shivering,
as the weather was still very cold even at the end of March.
We met old acquaintances who were working in the infir-
mary and their first concern was to have news of their
relatives. Upon the doctor’s arrival we had to present
ourselves in groups, standing stiffly at attention. All that
was required of us was to stretch out an arm, move the
fingers, turn around and march off. The examination
consisted of nothing more and all of us were, of course,
considered fit for work. Hadn’t we come here for this very
purpose and besides, didn’t “ Work bring freedom ” ? We
knew only too well what it meant to be considered unfit
for work : being taken away and condemned to “ liqui-
dation ” by gas. At last we received our first warm nourish-
ment in 36 hours. The camp food consisted of coffee or
cold tea (made from acorn leaves, etc.) in the morning
and soup, thick or thin as the case might be, at midday.
From the time of our arrival at the camp we had soup
made from water and turnips during fully five months.
After evening roll call we received 300 grams of bread,
although its weight was usually considerably diminished
by the time it reached the prisoner. On Mondays and
Saturdays, 300 to 400 grams of cheese were distributed.
It was some sort of a crude home-made, peasant cheese
which often contained more worms than cheese. Rations
further included £ kilo of margarine for twelve persons.
distributed every Tuesday, Thursday, or Friday, and blood
sausage or red sausage on Wednesdays and Mondays. These
rations represented approximately 300 to 400 grams. In
addition to margarine on Tuesdays and Fridays we also
received a spoonful of marmalade per person. Since the
barrel, however, bore a label stating that the marmalade
was destined for the camp, its quality was correspondingly
bad. Theoretically, the above are the rations each inmate
received but, practically, a good part of them were stolen
before they were actually distributed. In the evening,
tea or coffee was distributed with the bread. The soup had
to be licked up, as most of the prisoners did not possess
spoons. I forgot to mention that we had to eat our food
squatting on our haunches as a punishment by the room
eldest to us newcomers for having crowded around the soup
kettle during distribution.
After our meal we were sent to the identification service
where photographs from three different angles were taken.
So on that day the camp picture gallery was increased by
60 more criminals ! One by one we were called up, and I
noticed that my comrades came out of the photographer’s
room looking frightened. Beware ! It was my turn. I
was seated on a chair and photographed. When I tried to
get up, the floor started moving and, losing my balance,
I was thrown against the wall. It was a practical joke
played by the photographers (all of whom were Poles), in
setting the revolving platform in motion when one got
up. It was not surprising that they sometimes had to
have some kind of amusement even at the expense of their
camp comrades. We then returned to our quarters and
by that time the roll call was again due. So ended our
second day in camp ; and the next morning we were to be
marched off to work with all the other inmates.
All the prisoners had to work except the sick, those in
“ quarantine,” and those confined to their cells. The total
camp strength was divided into camp commandos or squads
which were each headed by a “ Capo,” or leader, and several
foremen. At the head of large working units was a “ Chief
Capo ” who was assisted by several “ Capos ” and foremen.
The size of one of these squads varied from one to several
hundred men. Although the Capo was really in charge,
a foreman often took over a group of ten, twenty, or thirty
workmen. The head of the labor administration chose the
“ Capos,” with the consent of the “ Chief Capo,” the
prisoners being assigned to squads by the central adminis-
tration. Work started after the morning roll call, i.e. in
summer from 5 a.m. to 12 a.m. and 1 p.m. to 6 p.m., in winter
from 7 a.m. to 3 p.m. without interruption. There were
workshops for craftsmen, farmers, industrial workers, and
various technical trades. Many, particularly those in
favor, worked in the camp administration. The camp
was provided with an “ infirmary,” a “ canteen,” a laundry,
a bakery, and a slaughter house. Thus prisoners with
certain technical training could, in principle, work in their
own trades. Intellectuals, liberal professional men, shop
keepers, or office workers were the worst off and they repre-
sented fully 70 percent of the total number of prisoners.
The latter were all employed as unskilled labor in the worst
and hardest jobs, such as the coal and gravel pits. The
mortality among them was frightfully high. But it seemed
to be the aim of the camp administration to kill them off
as rapidly as possible.
26
II. MY FIRST DAYS IN CAMP-THE “ INFIRMARY”
My first job was with a demolition squad. Since the
area surrounding the camp of AUSCHWITZ had been
evacuated for a radius of almost 100 kilometers, all buildings,
unless taken over by the camp, had to be torn down. Even
new buildings were demolished. Our work consisted in
tearing down such houses and was exceedingly strenuous,
particularly since we were expected to work at top speed.
A squad consisting of 50 men was supposed to demolish
a large building within three to four days ; and we were
instructed to salvage all building material. The roof of a
house, for instance, had to be carefully taken down and all
planks, beams, tiles, etc., stacked away. Nothing was to
be broken ; in fact, the slightest damage to anything
resulted in an immediate and severe beating with a shovel
or pick handle. The walls had to be broken down literally
by hand, brick by brick, the cement sticking to each brick
being afterwards removed and the bricks piled neatly up.
Even the foundations had to be torn out and the ground
afterwards levelled so that no trace of the house remained.
Many men died at this work, not only from exposure and
the strain, but from falling walls and beams — especially
those who were elderly or slow. From the 50 who set out
in the morning seldom more than 40 returned on then-
own legs. The remainder were either brought as corpses
or in a state of complete collapse in wheelbarrows or on
boards. These poor souls still were expected to appear
at evening roll call, after which they were taken to the
infirmary. From my working comrades who went there
I never saw one alive again.
My work with this squad lasted over a month. I was
then transferred to the ditch-digging squad. Trenches of
from 2J to 3 meters deep had to be dug, and for the last
50 centimeters we worked standing in water. We were,
of course, not allowed to leave the trench during work,
and this job was considered as one of the hardest in the camp.
Many died at it daily. Some time later I was shifted to the
“ concrete squad,” where I had to heave heavy posts and
sacks of cement ; but after the arrival of new prisoners
I was detailed to the making of concrete bricks. This
had the advantage of at least being work under a roof ;
which was very important inasmuch as work went on
regardless of the weather.
In addition, the prisoners were continually mistreated
and struck by commando leaders. Capos, and foremen.
In general, anyone holding a commanding position in the
camp liked to give special emphasis to his position of super-
iority. Naturally, the character of the person concerned
played a considerable role ; but the fundamental rule was
the direct responsibility of the superior for his inferiors,
each individual being in turn responsible to the collectivity.
These circumstances fostered the “ stool pigeon ” system.
For example, one day a working comrade discovered a
few pieces of turnip which he carefully hid. He con-
tinued his work but, from time to time, took surreptitious
bites off his treasure. Another prisoner having “ squealed ”
on him, the Capo arrived a few minutes later. It must
be remembered that the Capo is absolute master of his
commando, and that everybody tries to get into his good
graces. Unfortunately, this favor often had to be attained
to the detriment of the well-being or sometimes even of
the lives of other prisoners. The Capo proceeded to search
our comrade and, finding the pieces of turnip, knocked
the weakened man to the ground, hitting him brutally
about the head and face and in the stomach. He then
ordered him to sit up, hands outstretched in front of him
on the ground with a weight of bricks on each hand ; the
pieces of turnip were stuck in his mouth. All the men
were then assembled and informed that the unfortunate
man was to stay in this position for a whole hour. We
were warned that this punishment would befall any member
of the commando who committed a similar “ offense.” The
condemned man underwent this ordeal guarded by one of
the foremen, very eager to fulfil his task to the satisfaction
of the Capo, so that he hit our friend every time he tried
to shift his position slightly. After 15 to 20 minutes the
man became unconscious, but a bucket of water was
poured over him and he was again forced into his original
position. After he had slumped over senseless for a second
time, his body was thrown aside and nobody was allowed
to pay further attention to him. After roll call that evening
he was taken to the “ infirmary,” where he died two days
later.
Or another example : on Easter Monday, 1942, the
weather was extremely bad with a heavy snowfall. We
were sitting in the mud scraping cement off bricks, frozen
half stiff. Suddenly the Commando Chief appeared and
barked the following order : “ Discard caps, coats and
j ackets ! ” Sick with fear for what might follow, we obeyed
and continued working in our shirt sleeves. The Capo
sneered at us : “ You dirty Poles, now you can celebrate ! ”
A young prisoner, not more than 16 years old, had hidden
in a trench. He was terribly thin and so trembling with
the cold that he evidently did not hear the order. Or
perhaps he didn’t care whether he heard it or not. The
Capo, however, had meanwhile staggered off (he was half
drunk) since he didn’t intend to remain out-of-doors in
this wretched weather. As a matter of fact, he cared very
little about the prisoners ; the sooner they died the better.
The snow had stopped falling, but in the cold wind we
froze in our shirt sleeves ; certain death awaited us. Nobody
knew when the Capo might come back, perhaps in a moment,
perhaps in a week, or in a month. While we waited, the snow
started to fall again. A new foreman came running in our
direction from a stove around which they had been sitting,
to see how we are getting on with our work. One of them
discovered the hidden youngster and shouted “ All your
clothes off, at once, you swine ! ” As the kid did not react,
the foreman pounced on him and started beating him :
“ Undress or I will beat the life out of you or, better still,
I will report you to the Chief.” At that moment the Capo
arrived. A sharp blow of a whistle : “Fall in ! ” We
formed our columns and knew that it meant “ sticking
together.” We were led into an open space where we sank
ankle-deep in mud. Now the “ sport ” started. “ Down !
Up ! Quick march ! ” etc. We literally rolled in the mud.
“ Flatten out ! Jump ! Run ! Hands out front ! ” We
were covered with mud from head to foot and scarcely able
to stand. The “ exercise ” had now been going on for about
half an hour. To finish we had to do “ push up ” exercises,
alternately lying down flat and supporting our bodies on
our hands. “ Up, Down, Up, Down ! ” The Chief of the
Commando inspected the rows and saw an old man who
was unable to continue. Immediately an SS guard threw
himself upon him and kicked him in the head and face
with heavy hob-nailed boots. When at last the poor old
man gave no further sign of life, he was left alone. We were
then allowed to stand up and continue with our work.
The badly injured man was carried over to a dry spot
among piles of bricks. He opened his eyes, tried to say
something but couldn’t utter a word ; and we had to
leave him as in the meantime the order was given to
resume work. The result was that at the end of the day
27
we tarried home another corpse. But we had grown used
to it. We marched and sang jolly German songs, as the
Capo wanted it to be so. The Commando Chief walked
alongside the group ; he grinned : “You do sing well ! ”
During my work in the “ concrete squad ” I caught pneu-
monia (as was found out later). At the beginning I avoided
the “ infirmary ” and hoped I would get over it. I knew
too well what happened there and that seldom one left the
place alive. But I became so weak that I could hardly move,
and finally had to give in. I became completely indifferent.
In one way I was lucky that my friends in the “ infirmary ”
took care of me so that I was then able to enjoy “ privileged ”
conditions. When I entered the “ Krankenbau ” it was
composed of three different buildings : Block 28 — internal
illnesses, Block 20 — infectious illnesses. Block 21 surgery.
Later on three new “ blocks ” (Blocks 19, 9, and 10) were
attached to the “ infirmary.” They composed the so-called
“ Hygiene Institute.” Here, sterilizing by X-ray treatment,
artificial insemination of women, as well as experiments
on blood transfusions were carried on. Male and female
prisoners, especially Jews, served as “ guinea pigs ” for
these experiments. This “ block ” was completely isolated
from the rest of the camp so that news from it reached
us only very seldom.
It was not easy to be admitted to the “ infirmary,” as
the “ minimum ” symptom was a fever of from 38.6 to
39 degrees (C). Light cases of fever were not admitted.
All applications for transfer to the “ infirmary ” had to be
submitted to the chief of one’s own “ block,” who had the
right to reject any such request. Then the sick person
had to wait for hours in the courtyard of the “ infirmary ”
before being called in for preliminary examination. If the
doctor (a prisoner) considered him worth treating, he had
to undress and usually take a cold bath before being pre-
sented to the German doctor, after further long hours of
waiting. The sick were classified into two groups, “ Aryans ”
and Jews. These groups were again subdivided into further
groups, of which the first included the sick who were to
remain in hospital, being considered “ curable.” The
second consisted of extremely rundown patients, chronic
cases, and the half-starving or mutilated whose recovery
could only be effected by a long stay in the hospital. This
gTOup was practically condemned to death by phenol
injections in the heart region. Racial considerations played
an important role. An “ Aryan ” really had to be seriously
ill to be condemned to death by injection, whereas 80 to
90 percent of the Jews “ hospitalized ” there were “ elimi-
nated ” in this manner. Many of them knew about this
method and applied for admission as so-called “ suicide
candidates,” not having the courage to throw themselves
on to the high tension wires.
This situation lasted during the whole of 1942 until the
time the mass extermination of interned Jews at AUSCH-
WITZ began. Danger of death by injection did not only
threaten the newly-arrived hospital cases or casualties.
From time to time (usually once a month) the German
doctor used to effect a minute control of all the sick. In
each ward an attendant (usually a doctor) had to “ present ”
each patient and give full account of his illness. If the
patient’s stay happened to have exceeded a month, or if
he were very weak, he was listed. The German doctor
always kept the sick records of the condemned so as to
avoid any attempt at interference on the part of the prisoners
themselves. Each such special check-up by the German
doctor usually resulted in a list of 200 to 400 men condemned
to death, while the “ normal ” death list of the daily
routine inspection varied from 20 to 80. The injections
were given on the same day. The new patients who were
booked for the “ syringe ” (as it was called in the camp
jargon) received no clothes and had to remain waiting in
the corridor — naked. They were then led from Block 28
to Block 20 where the “ operation ” took place in a special
room. An SS man by the name of KLER, a shoemaker
by profession, gave the injections. He had taken up this
post in the hospital as a simple SS private, but was later
promoted to SS “ group leader,” although practically a
moron. He also received supplementary food rations and
was awarded the Iron Cross. There were days when this
psychopath picked out victims from the wards on his own
initiative, without instructions from the German doctor,
on whom to practice his “ technique.” He was a complete
sadist, torturing his victims with animal-like brutality
before putting them to death. Later it was decided that his
nerves had been strained by “ overwork ” so an “ assistant ”
was recruited, a Polish volunteer, by the name of PANS-
ZCZYK, No. 607 from Cracow, who was transferred to
Germany during the winter of 1942 where he presumably
died. The injections were then sporadically administered
by “ Sanitatsdienstgehilfen,” or given by the chief of the
“ infirmary.” For a certain time, another Pole named
JERZY SZYMKOWIAK, No. 15490, “ functioned ”
voluntarily ; he died in the summer of 1943.
The injections were not only administered to the weak
and ill, but also to prisoners in the political section who
were condemned to death. Apart from this, on one occasion,
two groups (the first composed of 40, the second of 80
prisoners) of young and strong youths between the ages
of 13 and 16 years were put to death, on the ground that
they were “ orphans ” and could not be considered in the
camp as full-fledged workers.
In the autumn of 1942 came the massacre of the LUBLIN
transports which caused great unrest in the camp. One
of the sanitary service attendants refused to administer
injections, stating that he was an SS man and not a
murderer of children. Another attendant had to be summoned
to carry out the job. This affair caused a lot of talk and stir as
at least 15,000 to 20,000 people lost their lives and even
BERLIN asked for an explanation of the high mortality rate
in the hospital. The head-doctor, WIRTZ, disclaimed all
knowledge of such events and laid the blame on the camp
doctor whose name was ENTREST, a German from the
POSEN district. A mock inquiry was held at which wit-
nesses from the hospital administration had to testify
and the lists of the “ deceased ” were checked. As “ punish-
ment ” the camp doctor was simply transferred in the same
capacity to the “ BUNA.” As a result of all this, murdering
by means of injections stopped for a while, although it
was resumed on a smaller scale soon afterwards for hope-
lessly sick cases. Many of those condemned to the “ syringe ”
were used as experimental material in the “ Hygiene
Institute ” (Block 10). The injections doubtlessly frightened
the prisoners from asking to be admitted to the hospital.
Another major danger in the camp was “ delousing,” as
it was euphemistically called. The whole camp obviously
was covered with lice and fleas and large disinfection pro-
grams were carried out. However, the results were never
apparent and our “ washing ” always came back almost
as full of lice. Actually, the “ delousing ” was designed
to combat typhus epidemics which had become a real
plague at the camp. During these actions everybody was
examined and those with bad complexions or in weakened
bodily condition were, according to the camp doctor’s
mood, destined to be gassed. They were simply led to
the “ infirmary ” from where 40 to 50 percent were
“ evacuated.” A “ delousing ” action which took a par-
ticularly large toll in victims was conducted in July, 1942.
During the course of this “ purge ” the weak, those ill with
typhus or in post-typhus quarantine, were all sent to
BRZINSKI without exception. This method was con-
sidered the most radical for eliminating typhus. The way-
in which those condemned to the gas chambers were
transferred to their doom was exceptionally brutal and
inhuman. Serious cases from the surgical word who still
had their bandages on, and a procession of exhausted and
horribly emaciated patients, even convalescents on the road
to recovery, were loaded on to trucks. They were all nuked
28
and the spectacle was dreadful in the extreme. The trucks
pulled up at the entrance of the block and the unfortunate
victims were simply thrown or piled on by the attendants
(I frequently witnessed such tragic transports). A hundred
people were often jammed into a small truck. They all
knew exactly what their fate was to be. The large majority
remained completely apathetic while others, mostly patients
from the surgery with bloody and gaping wounds or frightful
sores, struggled frantically. All around the trucks SS men
milled about like madmen, beating back the howling crowd
trying to lean out. Every time it was a terrible experience
to have to drag our friends to the truck. Most of them were
quiet and bid us farewell, but never forgot to remind us ;
“Do not forget revenge.” Under such conditions men’s
hearts turn to stone. Imagine a prisoner’s killing his brother
in one of the wards so as to avoid his having to undergo
the dreadful trip by truck. (I happen to know the names
and immatriculation numbers of these two particular
prisoners.) It can well be imagined that we just shrugged
our shoulders when told the. Germ an fairy tales regarding
the KATYN incident.
III. THE JEWS
Originally, the camp of AUSCHWITZ was intended only
for Poles. It was guarded by a group of Germans (no more
than 30 at the beginning) who had been transferred from
a German concentration camp. They were prisoners as
well but “ camp veterans,” if such an expression may be
used. Most of them had been imprisoned as far back as
1934 and were all more or less professional criminals. But
as time went on AUSCHWITZ became more and more
of an international camp and the first Jews started to arrive
in 1941. They were immediately separated from the
“ Aryans ” and quartered in special “ blocks.” Although
at the time systematic executions were not an established
rule, it can be stated that as a result of bad treatment
by SS men. Capos and foremen (the majority of German
origin but often Poles who were enlisted by force), a Jew
— irrespective of his physical condition — could not last
more than two weeks. A young Jew, for instance, who was
robust enough to be able to do his work “ on the double ”
(for example, pushing a heavily laden wheelbarrow) would
most probably be unable to keep it up in the long run.
If he should show signs of holding out, he would inevitably
be killed sooner or later by such mistreatment as being
beaten with a shovel or pick handle.
In those days all the Jews had to work in the “ quarry
squad.” At a trot they had to bring gravel on wheelbarrows
from a pit about 15 to 20 meters deep up a steep slope.
At the top, SS men and Capos checked their work and the
speed at which it was carried out, and anyone considered
as “ loafing ” was simply pushed over backwards when
he arrived at the top so that he crashed back down the
incline with his fully laden barrow. This was one of the
guards’ favourite pastimes. Such treatment of Jewish
prisoners prevailed from the time the first Jews arrived
at the camp until the spring of 1942, when the first large
transports of Jews (tens of thousands) began to arrive and
the extermination campaign was getting under way. At first
there were few Jews at the camp, most of them of Polish
origin, who had been sent there along with other Poles.
They were immediately separated from the latter. They
had been arrested not as a consequence of their being
Jewish, but for offences directed against “ the security of
the German State.” Only from the spring of 1942 on were
they rounded up and exterminated en masse on racial
grounds. Certain large-scale preparations had to be made
to receive these mass transports and a special concentration
camp was opened at BIRKENAU (the Polish name of the
village is RAJSKO). Administered by Germans and Poles,
the camp was guarded by SS detachments. Conditions were
appalling. The camp had no water, no drainage system,
and not even the most elementary hygienic installations.
The Jews remained in civilian clothes which were marked
with red paint. Food was supposed to be distributed to
them on a basis similar to that prevailing in AUSCHWITZ,
but abuse was flagrant. It often happened that the inmates
received nothing to eat for days and then only a small
part of the rations they should have had. Altogether
they were inhumanly treated. The slightest complaint
was punishable by death.
The first large convoys arrived from France and Slovakia.
Physically able men and women — those without children
or the mothers of grownup children — were sent to the
camp of BIRKENAU. The remainder, i.e. old or weak
men, women and small children, and all those unfit for
labour, were taken to. the Birch Wood (BRZEZINKI)
and killed by means of hydrocyanic gas. For this purpose
special gassing barracks had been built there. These con-
sisted of large halls, airtight, and provided with ventilators
which could be opened or closed according to the need.
Inside they were equipped so as to create the impression
ox bathing establishments. This was done to deceive the
victims and make them more manageable. The executions
took place as follows : each death convoy consisted of some
8 to 10 trucks packed with the “ selectees ” ; the convoy
was unguarded as the whole frightful drama took place
on camp territory. A private car containing the camp doctor
followed each truck convoy since it was compulsory for
him to be present at these mass executions. On their arrival
at the gassing establishment, which was surrounded by a
double barbed wire fence, men, women and children had to
completely undress. Each of them was given a towel and
a piece of soap. Then they were driven into the barrack
until it was completely filled up. Everything was hermetic-
ally closed, and specially trained SS units threw hydrocyanic
bombs through the ventilation openings. After about ten
minutes the doors were opened, and a special squad com-
posed exclusively of Jews had to clear away the bodies
and prepare for a new group of ‘ selectees.” The crematoria
had not yet been constructed, although there was a small
one at AUSCHWITZ which, however, was not employed
for burning these bodies. Mass graves were dug at that time
into which the corpses were simply thrown. This continued
into the autumn of 1942. By this time extermination by
gas was being intensified and there was no more time even
for such summary burial. Row upon row of bodies of
murdered Jews, covered only by a thin layer of earth,
were widely dispersed in the surrounding fields, causing
the soil to become almost marshy through the putrefaction
of the bodies. The smell emanating from these fields became
intolerable. In the autumn of 1942 all that remained of
the bodies had to be exhumed and burned in the crematoria
(by that time four had been completed). An alternative
was to gather the remains of the unfortunate victims into
heaps, pour gasoline over them, and leave it to the flimes
to finish the tragedy. The immense quantity of human
ashes thus collected was carted away in every direction
to be scattered over the fields where these martyrs had
found their last rest.
In the meantime, the crematoria had been finished
and the number of arrivals was steadily increasing. Gassing
and burning were carried out at record speed, but the supply
of corpses became so large that occasionally they had to
resort to the old method of open air cremation. It is esti-
29
inntcd that approximately 1£ million Jews were exter-
minated in this manner. With the exception of the
Polish Jews, the other Jews had no idea of what was in
store for them tit AUSCHWITZ. We were told by Dutch
and French Jews that the Germans had informed them
that they were leaving their country to be transferred to
Poland where everyone would be able to continue work
in his own profession or, still better, where for each shop,
concern, or factory seized by the Germans an equivalent
source of livelihood would be put at their disposal. They
were to take their whole fortunes with them and liquid cash
for at least six weeks. This resulted in considerable amounts
of money and valuables being brought to AUSCHWITZ
(most of them by Dutch bankers and diamond merchants),
most of which was stolen by the camp staff, SS men, and
prisoners. The condemned Jews generally faced their fate
calmly, although those arriving in 1943 had a clearer idea
of what awaited them. The sporadic attempts at rebellion
und mass escape, when the freight cars were unloaded upon
arrival, were bloodily repelled. The special railway s'ding
reserved for the convoys was surrounded by searchlight
and machine gun posts. On one occasion these unfortunate
people scored a small success. It must have been during
September or October, 1943, after a transport of women
had arrived. The accompanying SS men had ordered
them to undress and were about to drive them into the
gas chamber. This moment was always used by the guards
as a good opportunity for looting, and rings and wrist
watches were torn off women’s fingers and arms. In the
confusion resulting from one such attack, one woman
managed to snatch the pistol of SS. Groupleader
SCHILLINGER and fire three shots at him. He was
seriously wounded and died the next day. This gave the
signal for the others to attack the executioners and their
henchmen. One SS man had his nose torn off, another
was scalped, but unfortunately none of the women was
able to escape. Although an attempt was made to keep
this incident secret, it resulted in an order being issued
whereby SS men were not allowed to remain in camp after
8 p.m.
The extermination of Jews continued relentlessly,
although in the camp tension relaxed to a certain extent.
The fate of those Jews admitted to the camp has been
described in the sections of my report dealing with the
gassing and killing of the ill by means of injections.
IV. EXECUTIONS
Until the summer of 1941 AUSCHWITZ was mainly
a concentration camp in which no executions had taken
place so far. The first executions came as a surprise for
the majority of the camp’s inmates. They began in the
summer of 1941 when one evening after roll call, various
numbers were called up (I well remember there were 18
men from Cracow alone). The men whose numbers had
been called were ordered to the stock room, where they
had to give up their clothes and were given old rags (a
shirt and pants) in exchange. Then they were taken to
the gravel pit and shot with pistols at point blank range.
The other prisoners were not allowed to be present at the
shooting, but the execution was so arranged that practically
the whole camp could witness the proceedings. After the
execution a special commando was designated to bury
the bodies. This incident caused a great deal of unrest
within the camp, as we had assumed until then that
deportation to a concentration camp excluded the death
penalty for offences against the security of the German
State. From this day on executions were carried out at
more or less regular intervals, the victims being called up
on Tuesdays and Fridays. Later a special place of execu-
tion was set up within the camp’s boundary, an open space
between “ Blocks 10 and 11 ” where executions took place
generally in the morning.
The index cards of the condemned men were sent from
the chief clerk’s office to the respective “ blocks ” and in
the morning, immediately after roll call, the numbers of
the prisoners were called out by the “ block recorder.”
If the index card bore the inscription “ to report immediately
after roll call ” and the signature of the “ recording clerk,”
it meant that the prisoner called up was to be shot. The
“ block recorder ” assembled the victims and brought
them over to the chief clerk’s office. There the numbers,
names, and dates of birth were checked again. Ordered
into rows of five by the camp eldest and the block eldest
(also prisoners), they were then marched to the place of
execution. If the shooting was only to take place a few
hours later, the men were locked up in cells. If the execu-
tion, however, was to be carried out at once they were
taken first to the washhouse. They undressed and their
numbers were marked on their thighs with indelible pencil.
After these preparations, they were again lined up in fives
and then sent out to the execution wall (first four men
and then two at a time). The men were led out by the
block eldest of “ Block 11 ” or then by the Capo of the
cell block (a Jew), who took hold of the hands of the con-
demned and dragged them out to the wall where he stood
between the two. In the beginning the condemned were
forced to kneel and bend their heads forward, but later
BLOCK SO
BLOCK II
(Isolated)
Execution Place
EXIT
GATE
Below: Cell Block
CAMP STREET
30
they were usually shot standing. The executioners shot
their victims in the back of the head with a short-barrelled
rifle which made a muffled report.
After the execution the “body bearers” went into
action and removed the corpses to a nearby stable where
they were thrown on a heap of straw. The blood stains
were removed and the emplacement prepared for the
execution of two further victims. After the whole group
had been liquidated, the bodies were kept in “ Block 28 ”
until the evening. At dusk all the bodies, including those
of other prisoners deceased during the same day, were
piled on to a big cart and pulled to the crematoria. Later,
the corpses were also removed from the place of execution
in coffins and, if a considerable number were involved, a
truck was used for this purpose. These “ death tran-
sports” always took place during hours of curfew, as the
camp authorities wished to keep the executions as secret
as possible, in which they were, however, not particularly
successful.
As mentioned before, such executions started during the
summer of 1941 and reached a peak in 1942 with the transfer
of “ disciplinary companies ” from AUSCHWITZ to
BAJSKO (BIRKENAU) towards the end of May, 1942.
Together with a large group of “ Muselmaner ” (“ Musel-
mann ” was a term applied in camp jargon to convicts
utterly exhausted by starvation or over work) many young
and sturdy men were selected and drafted into these
“ disciplinary companies.” They were all marked with
a large red dot, as in these special groups the inmates were
differentiated by red dots on their chests and backs for
offences committed in civil life and by black circles for
“ crimes ” committed in the camp itself. Such “ com-
panies ” were made up of about 500 men of whom, every
second day, 10 to 15 were shot. The rest of them had to
work extremely hard and await their turn. At the same
time mass executions started in AUSCHWITZ (middle
of May, 1942). Once, twice, or three times a week, 40 to
60 men were simply picked out and shot. Restlessness
increased in the camp, when by the middle of June the
situation had not changed, to a point approaching open
rebellion especially after one mass execution which cost
the lives of 120 prisoners. The camp administration
apparently got wind of this and, during a roll call sometime
in June, ie was announced that executions would cease
and the death penalty would be abolished. It was true
that the prisoners reacted with deep distrust, but on the
whole the news had a quieting effect on everybody.
And, in fact, there was a pause of 1 to 1£ months after
which executions began again, although less often and
only in small groups. This state of affairs continued until
October, 1942, when one of the largest mass executions
ever held took 247 victims, all Poles from the LUBLIN
and PODHALA districts. Terror broke out in the camp
as a result, although again many reacted with complete
apathy. This ended a ghastly series of executions of
prisoners who, upon arrival in the camp, were already
condemned to death. But some of them had been in camp
over a year without knowing that their fate was already
sealed. It often happened, for instance, that a prisoner
selected for execution would be lying ill in the hospital
but, as the sentence had to be carried out, he received a
deadly injection in his bed. The famous Polish actor
Witold ZACHAREWICZ was murdered in this way.
All this, of course, did not mean that October, 1942, saw
the end of the execution of prisoners brought to AUSCH-
WITZ with death warrants already signed. Only, the method
underwent certain changes. In the early days, for instance,
the Aryan prisoners had always been given numbers and
then incorporated into the camp. Later a new method
was evolved consisting in immediately dividing the new-
comers into two groups : those condemned to death and
those who were to remain as regular inmates. The first
group was not allotted serial numbers but directly trans-
ferred from the “ block leader’s ” central office to the cells
in “Block 11.” The executions took place there and the
arrivals were either shot at once or a few days later. This
procedure was adopted in an attempt to keep the whole
matter secret, and executions were only carried out late
at night. In addition, the camp inmates were led to believe
that only “ civilians ” were submitted to this radical
treatment (it must be stated that only a permanent camp
inmate was considered a “ prisoner,” whereas newcomers,
without numbers and who had not yet joined the ranks,
were still designated as “ civilians ”). So long as only
“ civilians ” were executed the regular inmates were not
particularly upset.
Executions of “ prisoners,” however, did not cease
altogether. The camp administration was extremely severe
regarding discipline and respect of camp rules. For the
slightest omission one was marched off to the execution
cells and, of course, never returned. Things became even
worse when the political section (meaning the camp
Gestapo) decided to take charge of the punishment of
petty internal offences. The frequent result was that they
decided questions of life and death according to their own
judgment. Bribery became the order of the day. Among
the “ offences ” for being locked up in the execution cells
were: being “politically suspect” on the grounds of
having contacted “ civilians ” in the camp, spreading
political news or commenting on the German High Com-
mand’s communique, drunkenness, theft (foodstuffs,
gold, precious stones), premeditated escape, etc. The death
cells were always overcrowded and every now and then
they had to be “ evacuated.” This took place as follows :
the camp leader, chief of the political section, GRABNER
by name, dashed in, accompanied by a number of SS men
as drunk as himself. They went from cell to cell, taking
down the particulars of each occupant’s case, the reason
for his punishment, etc. If the camp leader had a list of
those condemned to death in hand, the prisoners could
consider themselves lucky, inasmuch as it might not yet
be their turn. But usually no notice was taken of such a
list. What decided the individual prisoner’s fate was
mainly the impression he made on this gang of drunkards
and the mood in which the camp leader happened to be.
There was no question of considering the actual penalty.
If the impression he made was not too unfavourable, the
prisoner remained in his cell to await his execution at a
later date unless he went to his death voluntarily. The whole
inspection was accompanied by a great deal of vile language
and brutal treatment. Usually 85 to 90 percent of the death
cell occupants were “ evacuated ” and shot in front of
the wall so that space was again available for new arrivals.
The camp in general was, of course, never informed of
this secret justice nor who were its victims. It is true that
the relatives of the victims were duly informed, but the
cause of death was always given as being “ natural.” An
incredible amount of paper was wasted compiling fake
records of illnesses, fever charts, etc., destined to justify
each single death. Death announcements were telegraphed
never more than at the rate of two a day so as not to mouse
suspicion on the “ outside.” From the beginning the
executions were carried out by a single man : first, by
“ Oberscharfiihrer ” PALITSCH, who was later sent to
an officers’ training center, and then by “ Scharfiihrer ”
STIWETZ, who still performs these duties. Executions
of women were reported from AUSCHWITZ, but in small
numbers. On the other hand, great numbers of people
were shot after having been brought in by truck straight
from freedom or from prisons. In two instances whole
families were executed, parents together with their children.
In one case, an infant a few months old ended his short
life in the arms of his mother before the execution wall.
USHMM LIBRARY
#
(Reprinted in Eire by the Office of War Information of the United Stales of America
at 15 Merrion Square, Dublin.)
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