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Architecture and Art of the Deccan Sultanates

The Muslim kingdoms of the Deccan plateau in peninsular India flourished from the
fourteenth to the eighteenth centuries. Ruling from their fortified capitals, the sultans
built sumptuous palaces, mosques and tombs and patronised artists who produced
outstanding paintings, textiles and objects. Many of these buildings and some works of art
still survive as testimony to the remarkable talents of their builders and craftsmen. This
volume is the first to offer an overall survey of these varied architectural and artistic
traditions and to place them within their historical and cultural context. The ethnic and
religious links which existed between the Deccan and Iran and Turkey, for example, are
clearly discernible in Deccani architecture and painting, and a remarkable group of
images, many of which have never been published before, testify to these influences.
While these partial legacies survive, little has been written on the exotic art of the Deccan
sultanates until now. The book will therefore be an invaluable source of inspiration to all
those interested in the rich and diverse culture of India, as well as to those concerned with
the wider artistic heritage of the Middle East.

George Michell is an architect, archaeologist and art historian. He has worked on
numerous research projects in different parts of India, most recently documenting the
medieval Hindu capital of Vijayanagara. His publications include Architecture and Art of
Southern India: Vijayanagara and the Successor States (1995) and City of Victory:
Vijayanagara, the Medieval City of Southern India (1991).

Mark Zebrowski is an art historian. He has studied Mughal India and the art of the
Deccan for many years and has recently completed a book on Indian metalwork, Gold,
Silver and Bronze from Mughal India (1997). He is also the author of Deccani Painting
(1983). At present he is working on the decorative arts of the Mughal empire.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

THE NEW CAMBRIDGE HISTORY OF INDIA

General editor GORDON JOHNSON

President of Wolfson College, and Director
Centre of South Asian Studies, Univesity of Cambridge

Associate editors C. A. BayLy

Vere Harmsworth Professor of Imperial and Naval History,
University of Cambridge, and Fellow of St Catharine’s College

andJouN F. RIicHARDS
Professor of History, Duke University

Although the original Cambridge History of India, published between
1922 and 1937, did much to formulate a chronology for Indian history and
describe the administrative structures of government in India, it has
inevitably been overtaken by the mass of new research published over the
last fifty years.

Designed to take full account of recent scholarship and changing concep-
tions of South Asia’s historical development, The New Cambridge History
of India will be published as a series of short, self-contained volumes, each
dealing with a separate theme and written by one or two authors within an
overall four-part structure. Volumes will conclude with a substantial bibli-
ographical essay designed to lead non-specialists further into the literature.

The four parts are as follows:

I The Mughals and their Contemporaries
Il Indian States and the Transition to Colonialism
HI The Indian Empire and the Beginnings of Modern Society
IV The Evolution of Contemporary South Asia

A list of individual titles already published and those in preparation will be
found at the end of the volume.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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2
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Sufi receiving a visitor, attributed to the Bodleian painter, Bijapur, c. 1610-20

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

THE NEW
CAMBRIDGE
HISTORY OF

INDIA

ez
Architecture and Art of the Deccan Sultanates

GEORGE MICHELL
and

MARK ZEBROWSKI

= CAMBRIDGE

IS) UNIVERSITY PRESS

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

PUBLISHED BY THE PRESS SYNDICATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE
The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge cB2 rrp, United Kingdom

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
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This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without
the written permission of Cambridge University Press.

First published 1999
Reprinted 2006

Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge
Typeset in Garamond 10.5/13 pt [VN]
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress cataloguing in publication data

Michell, George
The architecture and art of the Deccan sultanates / George Michell and Mark Zebrowski.
p. cm. — (The new Cambridge history of India; I, 8)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN O §21 56321 6 (hb)

1. Art, Islamic —India— Deccan. 2. Art, Indic — India — Deccan.
1. Zebrowski, Mark. uw. Title. 11. Series.
DS436.N47_ 1987 pt I, vol. 8
[N7307.D4]

954 s—de21
[709'.54'8] 9824737 cIP

ISBN 0 521 56321 6 hardback

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

CONTENTS

List of illustrations viii
General editor’s preface xviii
Preface Xx
Maps Xxil
Introduction I
1 Historical framework 4
2 Forts and palaces 23
3 Mosques and tombs 63
4 Architectural decoration 115
5 Miniature painting: Ahmadnagar and Bijapur 145
6 Miniature painting: Golconda and other centres 191
7 Textiles, metalwork and stone objects 226
8 Temples 246
9 Conclusion 2.68
Appendix: dynastic lists of Deccan rulers 273
Bibliographic essay 278
Bibliography 282
Index 289
vil

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

ILLUSTRATIONS

Unless otherwise noted, photographs of paintings and other works of art have been
provided by relevant museums and private owners.

COLOUR PLATES
between pages 168 and 169

1 Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah II hawking, Bijapur, c. 1590 (Institute of the
Peoples of Asia, Academy of Sciences, St Petersburg, St Petersburg album,
fol. 2, 28.7 x 15.6 cm)

2 Sultan Murtaza Nizam Shah enthroned, attributed to the Paris painter,
Ahmadnagar, c. 1575 (Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris, Supplément Persan
1572, fol. 26, 23.5 x 20.5 cm)

3 Young prince riding, attributed to the Paris painter, Ahmadnagar, c. 1575
(private collection, 11 x 10.5 cm)

4 Siesta, attributed to the Dublin painter, Bijapur, early seventeenth century
(Islamisches Museum, Berlin, 1.4595, fol. 36, 20.6 x 14.2 cm)

5 Ascetic visited by a yogini, attributed to the Dublin painter, Bijapur, early
seventeenth century (Islamisches Museum, Berlin, 7.4596, fol. 4a, 30.3 x
22.6 cm)

6 Stout courtier, detail, attributed to the Bodleian painter, Bijapur, c. 1610-20
(British Museum, 1937 4-10 03, 17 x 10 cm)

7 Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah, attributed to the Bodleian painter working
with a Mughal painter, Bijapur, c. 1635 (Elvira and Gursharan Sidhu
Collection, Menlo Park, California, 15.8 x 8.6 cm)

8 Prince sniffing a rose, Deccan, early eighteenth century (National Museum,
New Delhi, 58.39/5, 28 x 17.5 cm)

9 Prince galloping across a rocky plain, Deccan, c. 1700 (private collection,
29.3 x 19.4 cm)

10 Maiden with a parrot, detail of a fragment of a painted cloth, Golconda,
first half of seventeenth century (AEDTA, Paris)

ut Painted cloth, single-niche hanging (qanat), Deccan, mid-seventeenth
century (Khalili Collection, London)

12 Vase with arabesque, painted plasterwork, Asar Mahal, Bijapur, seventeenth
century (Mark Zebrowski)

vill

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

13 Arabesque design, tile mosaic panel, Rangin Mahal, Bidar, mid-sixteenth
century (Mark Zebrowski)

14 Calligraphic alam, detail of tile mosaic panel, Badshahi Ashurkhana,

Hyderabad, 1611 (Mark Zebrowski)

Vase of plenty, detail of tile mosaic panel, Badshahi Ashurkhana (Mark

Zebrowski)

16 Calligraphic medallion on chain, painted gesso on stone, mihrab, Jami
mosque, Bijapur, 1636 (Arnold Lassrich)

FIGURES

Sufi receiving a visitor, attributed to the Bodleian painter, Bijapur, c. 1610-20
(Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Douce Or.b2(1), fol. 1a, 26.5 x 19.7 cm)
Frontispiece
Fort with artificially scarped hill, Daulatabad, thirteenth to seventeenth
centuries (George Michell) 6

2 Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah I holding castanets, attributed to the Bodleian
painter, Bijapur, c. 1610-20 (British Museum, London, 1937 4-10 02,
17 x 10.2 cm) 15
3 Plan of fort, Daulatabad, fourteenth to seventeenth centuries 24
4 Entrance to Balakot, Daulatabad, fourteenth century (David McCutchion) 25
5 Khush Mahal, Warangal, early fourteenth century (George Michell) 26
6 Royal residence, Balakot, Daulatabad, fifteenth century (George Michell) 27
7 Plan of fort and city, Gulbarga, fourteenth and fifteenth centuries 28
8 Plan of palace city, Firuzabad, founded 1400 29
9 Audience hall, Firuzabad (George Michell) 30
10 Plan of fort and city, Bidar, fifteenth and sixteenth centuries 31
ut Sharza gate, Bidar, 1504 (John Gollings) 32
12 Plan of Diwan-i Am, Bidar, fifteenth century 33
13, Diwan-i Am with Takht Mahal (John Gollings) 34
14 Takht-i Kirmani, Bidar, fifteenth century (John Gollings) 35
15 Entry gate, Sholapur, fifteenth century (George Michell) 36
16 Fort walls, Parenda, fifteenth century (George Michell) 37
17 Plan and section of Farah Bagh, Ahmadnagar, 1583 39
18 Farah Bagh (India Office Library, London) 40
19 Chini Mahal, Daulatabad, sixteenth century (George Michell) 42
20 Plan of citadel and city, Bijapur, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries 43
21 City walls, Bijapur, begun 1599 (American Institute of Indian Studies) 44
22 West gate, Panhala, mid-sixteenth century (George Michell) 45
23 Gagan Mahal, Bijapur, mid-sixteenth century (Mark Zebrowski) 46
24 Plan of fort and city, Golconda, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries 48
25 Bala Hisar gate, Golconda, sixteenth century (Yolande Crowe) 50
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

26 Palace zone, Golconda, sixteenth century (Vivek Nanda)

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37

38 Tombs of Alauddin Hasan Bahman Shah and Muhammad I, Gulbarga,

Char Minar, Hyderabad, 1591 (Antonio Martinelli)
Fortifications, Rajgad, seventeenth century (George Michell)
Plan of Bala Qila, Raigad, seventeenth century

Towers of Bala Qila, Raigad (George Michell)

Vijayadurg, seventeenth century (George Michell)

Ramparts, Janjira, 1707 (George Michell)

Interior of Jami mosque, Daulatabad, 1318 (David McCutchion)
Chand Minar, Daulatabad, early fourteenth century and later
(Antonio Martinelli)

Solah Khamba mosque, Bidar, 1327 (John Gollings)

Plan of Jami mosque, Gulbarga, 1367

Interior of Jami mosque, Gulbarga (John Gollings)

1358 and 1375 (John Gollings)
Tomb of Tajuddin Firuz, Gulbarga, 1422 (John Gollings)

40 Interior of tomb of Tajuddin Firuz (John Gollings)

42 Interior of Langar-ki mosque, Gulbarga, fifteenth century (John Gollings)

Tombs, Holkonda, fifteenth century (John Gollings)

Plan of madrasa of Mahmud Gawan, Bidar, 1472

44 Madrasa of Mahmud Gawan (John Gollings)

Tombs of Ahmad I (behind) and Alauddin Ahmad II (in front), Bidar,
1436 and 1458 (John Gollings)

46 Plan of tomb of Shaykh Khalilullah (Chaukhandi), Bidar, 1450
47 Tomb of Shaykh Khalilullah (John Gollings)

Tomb of Ali Barid Shah, Bidar, 1577 (John Gollings)

49 Mosque associated with tomb of Ali Barid Shah (American Institute of

55
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57

Indian Studies)

Tomb of Ahmad Bahri Nizam Shah, Ahmadnagar, 1509 (John Robert
Alderman)

Damri mosque, Ahmadnagar, 1568 (George Michell)

Tomb of Salabat Khan, Ahmadnagar, late sixteenth century

(George Michell)

Tomb of Malik Ambar, Khuldabad, 1626 (American Institute of Indian
Studies)

Entrance to dargah of Shaykh Sirajuddin Junaydi, Gulbarga, early sixteenth

century (John Gollings)

Interior of Jami mosque, Bijapur, begun 1576 (John Gollings)

Anda mosque, Bijapur, 1698 (John Robert Alderman)

Gate to Mihitar-i Mahal, Bijapur, early seventeenth century (American
Institute of Indian Studies)

Plan of Ibrahim Rauza (tomb of Ibraham Adil Shah II and associated

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

mosque), Bijapur, 1626 93
59 Tomb of Ibrahim Adil Shah II (George Michell) 94
60 Verandah, tomb of Ibrahim Adil Shah II (American Institute of Indian

Studies) 95
61 Finial, tomb of Ibrahim Adil Shah II (American Institute of Indian

Studies) 96
62 Plan of Gol Gumbad, Bijapur, 1656 97
63 Gol Gumbad (Mark Zebrowski) 98
64 Mecca mosque, Bijapur, late seventeenth century

(David McCutchion) 99
65 Jami mosque, Adoni, late seventeenth century (George Michell) 99
66 Tomb of Jamshid Qutb Shah, Golconda, 1550 (George Michell) 100

67 Tomb of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, Golconda, 1611 (George Michell) 102
68 Tomb of Muhammad Qutb Shah, Golconda, 1626 (Mark Zebrowski) 103
69 Parapet detail, mosque of Hayat Bakshi Begum, Golconda, 1666

(Yolande Crowe) 104
70 Toli mosque, Hyderabad, 1671 (Mark Zebrowski) 105
71 Jami mosque, Gandikota, late seventeenth century (George Michell) 107
72 Tombs, Thalner, fifteenth century (John Henry Rice) 108
73 Minaret of Jami mosque, Burhanpur, 1588 (American Institute of Indian

Studies) 108
74 Tomb of Shah Nawaz Khan, Burhanpur, 1619

(John Robert Alderman) 110
75 Bibi-ka Magbara, Aurangabad, 1661 (Antonio Martinelli) Ill
76 Shahi mosque, Aurangabad, 1693 (George Michell) 112
77 Tomb of Sirul Khan, Janjira, 1733 (George Michell) 114
78 Plaster detail, mosque associated with tomb of Ali Barid Shah, Bidar, 1577

(American Institute of Indian Studies) 117
79 Plaster detail, Gol Gumbad, Bijapur, 1659 (Yolande Crowe) 118
80 Plaster vault, hommam, Burhanpur, 1608 (John Robert Alderman) 119

81 Plaster vault, Bibi-ka Maqbara, Aurangabad, 1661 (John Robert Alderman) 120
82 Sculpted animals on Pattancheru gate, Golconda, sixteenth century

(Simon Digby) 120
83 Black basalt inscription, tomb of Shaykh Khalilullah (Chaukhandi), Bidar,

1450 (Mark Zebrowski) 121
84 and 85 Black basalt string courses, tomb of Shaykh Khalilullah (Mark

Zebrowski) 122
86 Carved capital with arabesque, tomb of Shaykh Khalilullah

(Mark Zebrowski) 123
87 Polished black basalt cenotaphs, royal necropolis, Golconda, seventeenth

century (Mark Zebrowski) 124

88 Detail of corner leg, cenotaph, royal necropolis, Golconda

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

89 Black basalt inscription, cenotaph of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, royal

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

(Mark Zebrowski)

necropolis, Golconda, 1611 (Mark Zebrowski)

Black basalt kufic inscription, cenotaph of prince Mirza Muhammad
Amin, royal necropolis, Golconda, 1596, Golconda (Mark Zebrowksi)
Polygonal platform with rays of basalt, hammam, royal necropolis,
Golconda, sixteenth century (Mark Zebrowski)

Carved doorway, tomb of Ibrahim Adil Shah I, Bijapur, 1626 (Mark
Zebrowski)

Carved calligraphic window and relief medallions, tomb of Ibrahim Adil
Shah II (American Institute of Indian Studies)

Perforated screens, tomb of Malik Ambar, Khuldabad, 1626 (American
Institute of Indian Studies)

Parapet fragment, Mihtar-i Mahal, Bijapur, early seventeenth century
(after Cousens 1916, fig. 20)

Sculpted struts, gateway to Mihtar-i Mahal, Bijapur (American Institute
of Indian Studies)

124

125

126

127

128

129

130

131

Inlaid mother-of-pearl panel, Rangin Mahal, Bidar, mid-sixteenth century

(Antonio Martinelli)

Wooden columns, Rangin Mahal, Bidar (Antonio Martinelli)
Embossed brass-clad doors, Bibi-ka Maqbara, Aurangabad, 1661
(George Michell)

Calligraphic bands in tile mosaic, madrasa of Mahmud Gawan, Bidar,
1472 (Yolande Crowe)

Panel of tile mosaic over gateway, tomb of Shah Abul Faid, Bidar, 1474
(Mark Zebrowski)

Hexagonal designs, tile mosaic, Badshahi Ashurkhana, Hyderabad, 1611
(Mark Zebrowski)

Underglaze painted tiles, Bijapur, sixteenth century (British Museum,
London, 0a 1895.6-3.152 and 154)

Flowering rose bushes, underglaze painted tiles, Bibi-ka Maqbara,
Aurangabad, 1661 (John Robert Alderman)

Painted ceiling, tomb of Ahmad I, Bidar, 1436 (from Yazdani 1947, pl.
LXXIVv)

Arabesque, painted gesso on stone, mihrab, Jami mosque, Bijapur, 1636
(Mark Zebrowski)

Trompe-lwil books, painted gesso on stone, mihrab, Jami mosque,
Bijapur (Mark Zebrowski)

Sultan Husain Nizam Shah enthroned (Queen Khanzada Humayaun
overpainted), folio from the Tarif-i Husain Shahi, Ahmadnagar, c. 1565
(Bharata Itihasa Samshodhaka Mandala, Pune, 15.9 x 12.7 cm)

Royal figures hunting, side of a lacquered wooden box, Ahmadnagar,

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

c. 1565 (Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, 1978.129) 148
Sultan Murtaza Nizam Shah relaxing, attributed to the Paris painter,
Ahmadnagar, ¢. 1575 (State Library, Rampur, India, album 4) 149
Running elephant, Anmadnagar, ¢. 1590-5 (private collection,

19.5 X 16.8 cm) 150
Royal picnic, Anmadnagar, c. 1590-5 (India Office Library, London, 401,

20.5 X 13 cm) 152
Young prince embraced by a small girl, Anmadnagar, c. 1580-95 (Edwin
Binney 3rd Collection, San Diego Museum, 15.3 x 15.9 cm) 153
Peacock in a rainstorm at night, northern Deccan, late sixteenth century
(private collection, 15.5 x 19 cm) 154
Gauri ragini, northern Deccan, late sixteenth century (Edwin Binney 3rd
Collection, San Diego Museum, 25.7 x 19 cm) 155
Hindola raga, northern Deccan, late sixteenth century (National

Museum, New Delhi, 23.8 x 18.3 cm) 156

Lalita ragini, northern Deccan, c. 1650 (private collection, 16.8x 19 cm) 158
Vibhasa raga, northern Deccan, c. 1675 (Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, EA

1991. 154, 19.7 X I5 cm) 159
Gambhir raga, northern Deccan, second half of seventeenth century

(Dr Horst Metzger Collection, Griinstadt, Germany, 25 x 16 cm) 160
Mother and child, page from the Nujum al Ulum, Bijapur, dated 1570-1
(Chester Beatty Library, Dublin, 25.8 x 16 cm) 162
Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah I, attributed to the Bikaner painter, Bijapur,

1590 (private collection, 26.5 x 16.5 cm) 165
Procession of Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah IL, attributed to the Bikaner

painter, Bijapur, 1595 (Bikaner Palace Collection) 166
Mullah, attributed to the Bodleian painter, Bijapur, c. 1610 (India Office
Library, London, 402, 15.1 x 7.6 cm) 169
Fighting cranes, attributed to the Bodleian painter, Bijapur, c. 1610-20
(Musée Guimet, Paris, MG 9150, 12.5 x 18.3 cm) 170
Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah II playing the tambur, Bijapur, c. 1595-1600
(Naprstek Museum, Prague, a.12182, 14 x 14.8 cm) 171
Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah II riding an elephant, Bijapur, c. 1600-10

(private collection, 14.1 x 10.5 cm) 172
Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah’s favourite elephant Atash Khan, Bijapur,

c. 1600-10 (Babu Sitaram Sahu Collection, Varanasi, 15.5 x 19 cm) 173
Groom calming a horse, Bijapur, c. 1610 (Victoria and Albert Museum,
London, Ls. 88-1965, 11.4 x 10.3 cm) 174
Yogini, attributed to the Dublin painter, Bijapur, early seventeenth

century (Chester Beatty Library, Dublin, 11a(3), 19.4 x 11.7 cm) 175
Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah II venerates a learned sufi, written attribution to

the painter Ali Reza, Bijapur, c. 1630 (private collection, 16.2x14.4cm) 176

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Darbar of Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah, inscribed as the work of
Muhammad Khan, son of Miyan Chand, Bijapur, dated 1651 (City Palace
Museum, Jaipur, a.G. 771, 22.3 x 18.1 cm) 178
Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah and Ikhlas Khan riding an elephant, signed

by Haidar Ali and Ibrahim Khan, Bijapur, mid-seventeenth century (Sir
Howard Hodgkin Collection, London, 26.7 x 30.5 cm) 180
Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah and courtiers performing religious rites in the
Asar Mahal, signed by Abdul Karim, Bijapur, mid-seventeenth century

(private collection) 182
Floral fantasy, Bijapur, first half of seventeenth century (Elvira and
Gursharan Sidhu Collection, Menlo Park,California, 27 x 15 cm) 184
Floral vase, Bijapur, c. 1650 (Sir Howard Hodgkin Collection, London,

25.5 X 16.7 cm) 185
Starving horse harassed by birds, marbled paper drawing, Bijapur,
mid-seventeenth century (private collection, 13.4 x 16.7 cm) 186

Darbar of Sultan Ali Adil Shah IT, attributed to the Bombay painter,
Bijapur, c. 1660 (late Dr Moti Chandra Collection, Bombay, 18.7 x 17.4

cm) 187
Sultan Ali Adil Shah I shooting an arrow at a tiger, attributed to the
Bombay painter, Bijapur, c. 1660 (private collection, 21.7 x 31.6 cm) 188
Deer hunt, Bijapur, c. 1660-70 (private collection, 24 x 45 cm) 188
Sultan Ali Adil Shah II with a courtesan, Bijapur, c. 1660-70 (private
collection, 20.6 x 31 cm) 189

Angels bearing trays, detail of frontispiece of the Zakhira-i

Khwarizmshahi, Golconda, dated 1572 (Chester Beatty Library, Dublin,
Indian Ms. no. 30) 192
Dancing before a sultan, fol. 53b of the Kulliyat of Sultan Muhammad

Quli Qutb Shah, Golconda, c. 1590-1600 (Salar Jang Museum,

Hyderabad, 27.7 x 14.5 cm) 194
Sultan Muhammad Qutb Shah, Golconda, second half of seventeenth
century (private collection, 21.3 x 11.9 cm) 195
Sultan Muhammad Qutb Shah, signed by Hashim, Mughal, c. 1620

(Victoria and Albert Museum, London, 1.M. 22—1925, 19.5 x 11.5 cm) 196
Sultan Abdullah Qutb Shah watching a dance performance, Golconda,

c. 1630 (British Museum, London, 1974 6-17 I-s, 21.3 x 11.2 cm) 197
Darbar of Sultan Abdullah Qutb Shah as a youth, Golconda, c. 1630

(British Museum, London, 1937 4-10 o1, 25 x 15.5 cm) 198

Procession of Sultan Abdullah Qutb Shah riding an elephant, Golconda,

c. 1650 (Saltykov-Shtshedrine State Public Library, St Petersburg, Dorn

489, fol. 18b, 21.3 x 30.3 cm) 199
Wedding procession of Sultan Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah and Bhagmati,
Golconda, c. 1650 (Sir Howard Hodgkin Collection, London,

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

24.1 x 32 cm) 201
A Deccani sultan visits holy men, Golconda, c. 1650 (Institute of the

Peoples of Asia, Academy of Sciences, St Petersburg, St Petersburg album,
fol. 47, 29.5 x 46 cm) 201
African eunuch, Golconda, third quarter of seventeenth century

(Sir Howard Hodgkin Collection, London, 22.5 x 12.3 cm) 203

Sultan Abul Hasan walking in a garden, Golconda, c. 1672-80
(Edwin Binney 3rd Collection, San Diego Museum, 27.7 x 20.6 cm) 204
Shah Raju on horseback, signed by Rasul Khan, Golconda, c. 1672-80

(private collection, 24 x 17.7 cm) 205
Sleeping maiden, Golconda, last quarter of seventeenth century
(Islamisches Museum, Berlin, F. 4589, fol. 1, 13 x 16 cm) 207

Sleeping maiden, top of a lacquered jewel box, attributed to Rahim
Deccani, Golconda, last quarter of seventeenth century (Victoria and

Albert Museum, London, 851-1889, 9.2 x 13.7 cm) 208
Lacquered book cover, Golconda or Hyderabad, c. 1700 (Sir Howard
Hodgkin Collection, London, 23 x 16 cm) 209
Allah-wirdi Khan receiving a petition, Hyderabad, early eighteenth century
(City Palace Museum, Jaipur, a.G. 656, 34.6 x 25.5 cm) 211
Hindola raga, Bidar (?), early eighteenth century (private collection,

31.6 x 24 cm) 214

Atachin Beg Bahadur Qalmagq out hawking, Deccan or Kishangarh, early
eighteenth century (British Museum, London, 1947 9-20 06,

36.5 x 28 cm) 215
Lady listening to a musician, an unidentified ragini, Hyderabad, third

quarter of eighteenth century (India Office Library, London 426 (rx),

24 Xx I5 cm) 217

Nawab Saif al-Mulk selecting jewels, attributed to Venkatachellam,

Hyderabad, c. 1795 (private collection, 37.6 x 25.2 cm) 219

Nawab Sikandar Jah sniffing a mango, Hyderabad, c. 1775 (Latifi

Collection, Bombay, 10.5 x 8.5 cm) 220

Nawab Ghulam Ahmad Khan visiting Shaykh Burhanuddin Sahib,

Kurnool, ¢. 1815-23 (National Museum, New Delhi, 33 x 23 cm) 221

A disfigured begum enjoys her garden, Kurnool, c. 1780 (private collection,

30 x 18 cm) 222

Sadashiv Rao, called the Bhao Sahib, Maratha, c. 1750-60 (Raja Dinkar

Kelkar Museum, Pune) 223

Shahoor Maharaj Chhatrapati, Maratha, probably Satara, c. 1847

(Sotheby’s, London, Oct. 22, 1993, lot 223, 38.0 x 51.5 cm) 224

Painted cotton, double-niched hanging (qanat), from the toshkhana of

the Maharaja of Amber, Golconda, mid-seventeenth century (Victoria

and Albert Museum, London, 1.s. 19-1989, 231 x 193 cm) 227
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Detail of painted cotton floor spread, from the toshkhana of the Maharaja
of Amber, Golconda, first half of seventeenth century (Victoria and Albert
Museum, London, 1.M. 160-1929, 246 x 325 cm) 228
Fragment from a painted cotton floor spread, Deccan, seventeenth

century (Victoria and Albert Museum, London, 1.M. 58 1933, 62 x 24 cm) 229

Steel dagger with gilt copper hilt, Golconda, c. 1600 (David Collection,
Copenhagen, 36/1997. 42.5 cm) 231
Detail of portrait of Sultan Ali Adil Shah I, Bijapur, c. 1605 (Arthur M.
Sackler Gallery, Washington, 17.2 x 9.8 cm) 232
Steel vambrace (arm guard) overlaid with gold, Deccan, mid-seventeenth
century (private collection, |. 33.5 cm, w. 13.5 cm) 233
Bronze incense burner in the shape of a peacock, Deccan, late fifteenth or
early sixteenth century (private collection, h. 30 cm) 234
Detail of the Throne of Prosperity, fol. 191 r. of the Nujum al Ulum,

Bijapur, dated 1570-1 (Chester Beatty Library, Dublin) 235
Bronze incense burner in the shape of a lion, Deccan, late fifteenth or

early sixteenth century (Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution,
Washington, F 1991.12, h. 17.2 cm, |. 14.9 cm) 236
Bronze bowl in the shape of a ten-pointed star, Deccan, fifteenth century
(private collection, h. 8.5 cm, d. 23 cm) 237
Detail of engraved copper salver with traces of gilding, Golconda, c. 1600
(Mittal Museum, Hyderabad, 76/1442, d. 60.5 cm) 238
Tinned brass begging bowl (kashkul), Golconda, c. 1600 (David

Collection, Copenhagen, 61/1998 h. 16 cm, |. 38.4 cm) 239
Brass incense burner in the shape of an octagonal shrine, Deccan,
seventeenth century (private collection, h. 24 cm, d. 18 cm) 239
Bidri huqgqa base inlaid with brass and silver, Bidar, mid-seventeenth

century (private collection, h. 21 cm) 240
Bidri tray inlaid with brass and silver, Bidar, seventeenth century (David
Collection, Copenhagen, 16/1987, d. 31 cm) 241
Brass alam in the shape of a protective hand, dated 1766-7, Badshahi
Ashurkhana, Hyderabad (Lois Safrani) 242
Silver filigree tray with gilding on ribs, Karimnagar, eighteenth century
(Krishna Riboud Collection, Paris, |. 35.5 cm, w. 25 cm) 243

Boat-shaped mortar of polished nearly black basalt, Golconda,
seventeenth century (Maharukh Desai Collection, London, |. 24 cm,

h. 9.5 cm) 243

Footed bowl of polished black basalt, Asar Mahal, Bijapur, seventeenth

century (d. approx. 40 cm) (Mark Zebrowski) 244

Sygmoid-shaped bowl of serpentine marble, Deccan, seventeenth century

(private collection, |. 22 cm, h. 5 cm) 245

Jagadishvara temple, Raigad, 1674 (George Michell) 248
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Shivarajeshvara temple, Sindhudurg, 1695 (George Michell)
Plan of Omkareshvara temple, Pune, 1736

Vishveshvara temple, Mahuli, c. 1735 (George Michell)
Ganapati temple, Wai, 1762 (George Michell)
Trimbakeshvara temple, Trimbak, mid-eighteenth century
(George Michell)

Plan of Ghrishneshvara temple, Ellora, last quarter of eighteenth century

Ghrishneshvara temple (George Michell)

Shivatirtha, Ellora, last quarter of eighteenth century (Michaela Soar)
Stone lamp columns (dipamalas) in the Khandoba temple, Jejuri, last
quarter of eighteenth century (George Michell)

Rukmini temple, Nagpur, late eighteenth century (George Michell)
Entrance towers of Khandoba temple, Bid, late eighteenth century
(David McCutchion)

Chhatri of Krishna II, Kolhapur, c. 1815 (George Michell)

Wall niche, Trishunda Ganapati temple, Pune, 1770

(George Michell)

Wall sculpture, Vitthala shrine within Jagateshvara temple, Nagpur,
second half of eighteenth century (George Michell)

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GENERAL EDITOR’S PREFACE

The New Cambridge History of India covers the period from the beginning of
the sixteenth century. In some respects it marks a radical change in the style of
Cambridge Histories, but in others the editors feel that they are working firmly
within an established academic tradition.

During the summer of 1896, F. W. Maitland and Lord Acton between them
evolved the idea for a comprehensive modern history. By the end of the year the
Syndics of the University Press had committed themselves to the Cambridge
Modern History, and Lord Acton had been put in charge of it. It was hoped that
publication would begin in 1899 and be completed by 1904, but the first volume in
fact came out in 1902 and the last in 1910, with additional volumes of tables and
maps in 1911 and 1912.

The History was a great success, and it was followed by a whole series of
distinctive Cambridge Histories covering English Literature, the Ancient World,
India British Foreign Policy, Economic History, Medieval History, the British
Empire, Africa, China and Latin America; and even now other new series are being
prepared. Indeed, the various Histories have given the Press notable strength in the
publication of general reference books in the arts and social sciences.

What has made the Cambridge Histories so distinctive is that they have never
been simply dictionaries or encyclopedias. The Histories have, in H. A. L. Fisher’s
words, always been ‘written by an army of specialists concentrating the latest results
of special study’. Yet as Acton agreed with the Syndics in 1896, they have not been
mere compilations of existing material but original works. Undoubtedly many of
the Histories are uneven in quality, some have become out of date very rapidly, but
their virtue has been that they have consistently done more than simply record an
existing state of knowledge: they have tended to focus interest on research and they
have provided a massive stimlulus to further work. This has made their publication
doubly worthwhile and has distinguished them intellectually from other sorts of
reference books. The editors of The New Cambridge History of India have
acknowledged this in their work.

The original Cambridge History of India was published between 1922 and 1937.
It was planned in six volumes, but of these, volume 2 dealing with the period
between the first century ap and the Muslim invasion of India never appeared.
Some of the material is still of value, but in many respects it is now out of date. The
past fifty years have seen a great deal of new research on India, and a striking feature
of recent work has been to cast doubt on the validity of the quite arbitrary

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GENERAL EDITOR'S PREFACE

chronological and categorical way in which Indian history has been conventionally
divided.

The editors decided that it would not be academically desirable to prepare a new
History of India using the traditional format. The selective nature of research on
Indian history over the past half-century would doom such a project from the start
and the whole of Indian history could not be covered in an even or comprehensive
manner. They concluded that the best scheme would be to have a History divided
into four overlapping chronological volumes, each containing about eight short
books on individual themes or subjects. Although in extent the work will therefore
be equivalent to a dozen massive tomes of the traditional sort, in form The New
Cambridge History of India will appear as a shelf full of separate but comple-
mentary parts. Accordingly, the main divisions are between 1. The Mughals and
their contemporaries, u. Indian States and the Transition to Colonialism, 11. The
Indian Empire and the Beginnings of Modern Society, and 1v. The Evolution of
Contemporary South Asia.

Just as the books within these volumes are complementary so too do they
intersect with each other, both thematically and chronologically. As the books
appear they are intended to give a view of the subject as it now stands and to act as a
stimulus to further research. We do not expect The New Cambridge History of
India to be the last word on the subject but an essential voice in the continuing
discussion about it.

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PREFACE

Though George Michell and Mark Zebrowski have pursued independent direc-
tions in their research with regard to the history of Indian art, the Deccan has
emerged as a common focus of attention. George Michell began to take an interest
in the Sultanate architecture of this area as an extension of his study of Vijayanagara
initiated in the early 1980s. That research is embodied in another volume of the
current series (1.6). It was only by examining monuments at the successive capitals
of the Bahmani and Adil Shahi rulers that Michell was able to interpret military and
courtly buildings at Vijayanagara. This enquiry revealed the lack of an exhaustive
survey of Deccani architecture. Nor, it seemed, had there been any serious effort to
integrate these traditions with those of the Mughals and the Marathas. It was this
gap in the subject that suggested the need for an introductory yet scholarly survey
that would encompass these different aspects of Deccani architecture.

Mark Zebrowski’s interest in the Deccan, sustained for more than twenty-five
years now, has focused mostly on the arts of the Sultanate courts that remained
more or less independent of the artistic activities of the Mughal emperors of North
India. Attracted by the outstanding quality of miniature paintings, textiles and
metalwork produced at the Deccani courts, Zebrowski realised that the decorative
arts of this region were being overlooked or mistakenly ascribed to Iranian, Mughal
or Rajput workshops. Painting was his first interest and this led to a doctoral thesis
on the subject, later published in revised form as Deccani Painting (1983). Since
then, Zebrowski has extended his interest to silver, gold and bronze objects from
both North India and the Deccan. His chapters in this volume aim at a broad
survey of Deccani fine arts that will complement the architecture chapters.

In spite of the limitations of this work, which of necessity complies with the
condensed format of The New Cambridge History of India series, the authors make
some claim to having written a comprehensive survey of Deccani architecture,
painting and decorative arts over some five hundred years, a period when this
region was dominated by Muslim rulers. This ambitious time span has suggested
the suitability of a straightforward chronological approach devoted to different
building types and works of art. The aim here is to present the broadest possible
appreciation of the Deccan in terms of architectural activity and artistic patronage.

The Introduction with which the volume opens is intended as a preliminary
appreciation of Deccani buildings and works of art, placing them within the
context of both the Indian and Middle Eastern cultural traditions. Chapter 1
presents an overview of the major political events that occured in the Deccan from

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PREFACE

the beginning of the fourteenth to the end of the eighteenth centuries. This
historical survey notes those personalities who played prominent roles as patrons of
architecture and art from the rulers of the various Sultanates to the Mughal
governors and their Maratha adversaries. Chapters 2 and 3, both by George
Michell, survey the principal monuments of the region, distinguishing military and
palace architecture from Islamic religious buildings, such as mosques, tombs and
the occasional madrasa. Chapter 4, to which both authors have contributed, focuses
on architectural decoration, especially incised stuccowork, carved stonework and
brilliantly coloured tilework. Mark Zebrowski is responsible for chapters 5 and 6,
which examine the major schools of miniature painting that flourished at the
Deccani courts. Chapter 7, also by Zebrowski, examines Deccani resist-dyed cotton
textiles, inlaid and engraved metalwork, and carved stone objects. These objects are
among the very finest that India has produced. Temples erected by the Maratha
leaders and commanders in the latter part of the period covered here constitute a
distinct topic in the history of Deccani architecture. Michell deals with this
emerging Hindu artistic tradition in chapter 8. The final chapter, which is a joint
effort, takes the form of a conclusion, aiming at an overall analysis and synthesis of
the materials in terms of stylistic development. The volume ends with an appendix
listing the rulers of the different Deccani dynasties.

Throughout their research on this work, the authors have benefited from the
generosity of colleagues and friends who have helped unstintingly with information
about monuments, art works, historical references and photographic sources. The
authors are particularly indebted to John Robert Alderman, Jayant Bapat, Richard
Blurton, Ilay Cooper, Rosemary Crill, Yolande Crowe, Simon Digby, Marcus
Fraser, Francesca Galloway, Stewart Gordon, Tanvir Hasan, Sir Howard Hodgkin,
Ebba Koch, Helen Philon, Venetia Porter, Krishna Riboud, Klaus Rétzer, Lois and
Shehbaz H. Safrani, Ashutosh Sohoni, Susan Stronge and Andrew Topsfield.
Archaeology directors and local scholars who assisted in the planning of field trips
include D. N. Akki (Gogi), S. K. Aruni (Pune), Shaikh Ansar Ahmed (Ahmad-
nagar), Balasubramaniam (Kamalapuram), R. R. Borkar (Nagpur), P. K. Ghanekar
(Pune), A. P. Jamkhedkar (Bombay), M. S. Mate (Pune), S. Nagaraju (Hyderabad)
and Shaikh Ramzan (Aurangabad).

Graham Reed prepared the map, while the architectural plans are the work of
Jaideep Chakrabarti. The photographs have been supplied by the institutions and
individuals given in the list of illustrations. Throughout the writing of this book
Marigold Acland at Cambridge University Press has been a constant source of
encouragement.

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Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

INTRODUCTION

The plateau region in the centre of peninsular India, known as the Deccan, is one of
the country’s most mysterious and unknown regions in terms of artistic heritage.
Few scholars, Indian or foreign, have worked extensively in the Deccan, which
remains little visited and surprisingly unexplored. In consequence, many sites of
outstanding historical and architectural significance, whether urban mosques and
tombs or remote mountain citadels, lack adequate documentation and publication.
A further problem is that in the past relatively few works of art were given a Deccani
attribution. An increasing number of miniature paintings, textiles and inlaid metal
objects are now assigned to this region. This means that the time has come for a
reassessment of the Deccan as a dynamic centre of patronage for architecture and
the fine arts.

Before considering individual monuments and works of art, it is important to
stress the remarkably high quality of Deccani architecture and art. Courtly and
religious buildings, miniature paintings, textiles and metal objects from this region
are among the finest the subcontinent. And much of Deccani art is rare, far rarer
than Mughal art. It is likely that the painting workshops in the Deccan were always
smaller than those of North India. Rarity increases the risk of oblivion and makes
research and publishing all the more urgent. Furthermore, the emotional content of
Deccani art is unique. Whereas Mughal art has a generous dose of logic and
verisimilitude behind its glamour, especially in its classic phase under the patronage
of Jahangir, Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb in the seventeenth century, Deccani art
revels in dream and fantasy. Paintings pulsate with restless lines and riotous colours,
rejecting the Olympian calm of the Mughal style. We may well ask if Deccani
painting ever attained to a classic phase, with all the restraint and power which such
a phase implies. Perhaps it did, but only for the briefest moment at the courts of
Bijapur (Frontispiece, Figs. 2 and 123 and Colour Plate 6) and Ahmadnagar
(Colour Plates 2 and 3). At most other times opulent excess reigned unchallenged
and produced some of the most lyrical images in Indian art.

Not unlike painting, Deccani architecture too is the stuff of dreams. When
walking through a Mughal palace or garden-tomb, we are soothed by its monu-
mental dignity and sobriety. It is of the real world, but the real world infused with
extra logic. In contrast, the palaces and tombs at Bidar, Bijapur and Golconda
invigorate us with exotic visions of the Middle East, a fantastic Arabian Nights
atmosphere. Nor should this impression be dismissed as fanciful, for we must not
forget that the Deccan was always a distant Islamic culture, far from its Middle

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

Eastern sources. In its brilliant architecture we sense a romantic yearning for the
domes and minarets of the Muslim heartland.

Such a nostalgia for the Middle East, in fact, seems to have informed many
aspects of Deccani culture. The sultans identified with Iranian and Turkish rulers,
adopting their ceremonial practices and patterns of patronage. The ethnic composi-
tion of the Deccan was the result of sustained contacts with the Middle East, with
large and influential communities of Turks, Persians, Arabs and Africans. From the
fourteenth to the nineteenth centuries, sufis, men of letters, merchants and soldiers
migrated to the Deccan from all over the Middle East, lured by the generosity and
wealth of the sultans.

The profound impact of Middle Eastern culture is also hardly surprising con-
sidering the origins and religious affiliations of Deccani rulers. The Qutb Shahis of
Golconda were descended from Qara Qoyunlu Turkman princes who were driven
out of Iran in the fifteenth century; the Adil Shahis of Bijapur claimed blood links
with the Ottoman dynasty established in Istanbul; the Nizam Shahis of Ahmad-
nagar, although descended from Hindus converted to Islam, embraced Shiism in
the early fifteenth century. After the conquest of Iran by the Shia Safavid dynasty in
1501, Persian influence became paramount. Deccani kings perceived the Safavid
state as the source of their own legitimacy and the Sunni Mughal empire as their
enemy. Cultural ties were also maintained with the Shia holy cities of Iraq. Shia
Islam was the official religion.

The Deccan preserved its political independence from North India until the
present century, except for a brief period of about four decades following the
conquest by Aurangzeb in the second half of the seventeenth century. Asa result, a
distinct Islamic culture developed there which displayed more direct contact with
the Middle East than with North India. The Deccan became within India the
greatest centre of Arabic learning and literary composition. Persian poets, historians
and scribes flocked there, among them Urfi, Zuhuri and Firishta. Deccani architec-
ture and metalwork were adorned with the finest Persian and Arabic calligraphy in
India. Urdu literature was born at the Bijapur and Golconda courts in the late
sixteenth century, almost two centuries before its full development in North India.

However, the full extent of Deccani Muslim culture remains somewhat enig-
matic, partly because the sultans lacked the customary Islamic passion for historical
record. Sultans commissioned fewer histories than their Mughal contemporaries, so
less is known about this region than about North India. Also, Deccani buildings
and paintings are rarely dated or inscribed — as Mughal and Rajasthani works often
are — so we know little about Deccani architects and artists, or their relationship
with their patrons.

Much of what we can learn about Deccani art must come directly from looking
at it. As Mark Zebrowski has already written (1983:10):

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INTRODUCTION

Few Deccani paintings record historical events or realistically portray their subjects as
Mughal art does. Nor was there much interest in the thrills of the hunt, court ceremonial or
Hindu ritual, favourite Rajasthani themes. Instead, princely portraits predominate which
aim to establish a gently lyrical atmosphere, often one of quiet abandon to the joys of love,
music, poetry or just the perfume of a flower. Although figures are conventional types,
moods... . are established through fantastic colours... We are admitted into a private world
of feeling . . . rarely do we see an army on the march. Reflection and reverie triumph over
dramatic action.

The elegance of Iran, the sensuality of South India and even the occasional
influence from Europe all contributed to the power of Deccani architecture and art.
Like other hybrids, this tradition flowered vigorously, but briefly, succumbing
suddenly to the onslaughts of European culture in the nineteenth century.

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CHAPTER 1

HISTORICAL FRAMEWORK

Though most of the monuments and works of art surveyed in this volume are
categorised as Sultanate, Mughal or Maratha, these essentially stylistic designations
should not be understood as implying chronologically discrete periods. The chief
sultans of the Deccan maintained their independence for more than a century after
the Mughals first invaded the region at the end of the sixteenth century. This means
that Sultanate and Mughal epochs overlapped rather than one succeeding the other.
From the last quarter of the seventeenth century onwards the Mughals and
Marathas were forced into an uneasy coexistence. This led ultimately to the
distintegration of the great North Indian empire. Such concurrent dynastic devel-
opments, though resulting more often in war than in peace, form the background
to the highly spirited artistic tradition that is the subject of this volume.

The turbulent events of these centuries are explained to some extent by the
unique location of the Deccan plateau as a meeting place of forces from both North
and South India, the promise of boundless land and wealth inspiring repeated
invasion. In the first decades of the fourteenth century, the Deccan was subjugated
by the Khaljis and Tughlugs, the first Muslim rulers of Delhi; some two and a half
centuries later the Mughals arrived, though it took them more than one hundred
years to consolidate their conquests. Resistance to these assaults from Delhi
occurred in three waves: the military thrust of the mighty Hindu Vijayanagara
kingdom south of the Tungabhadra—Krishna rivers in the fifteenth and first half of
the sixteenth centuries; the opposition of the Shia Muslim sultans throughout most
of the seventeenth century; and the guerilla tactics of the Hindu Maratha warriors
in the second half of the seventeenth and first half of the eighteenth centuries.

Since the Deccan encompasses the heart of the peninsula, from the Arabian Sea
to the Bay of Bengal, it was also able to act as a receptacle for influences arriving
from abroad. Direct emigration of literary and religious figures from the Iranian,
Turkic and Arab lands, as well as of soldiers and slaves from East Africa, the
so-called Habshis, resulted in an influential population of newcomers, mostly
Muslims. The struggle for domination between these immigrants of varied origins,
known as Afaqis, and the descendants of the original invaders from North India
and their local Hindu converts, the Dakhnis, is a crucial feature of courtly life in the
Deccan, especially during the Sultanate period. Beginning in the early sixteenth
century, these newcomers also included the Portuguese who were established on the
Arabian Sea coast. Before long, they too became enmeshed in local affairs. They
were followed in later centuries by the Dutch, French and English.

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HISTORICAL FRAMEWORK

THE KHALJIS AND TUGHLUQS

At the time of the first Muslim invasion from Delhi at the end of the thirteenth
century the Deccan was occupied by the Yadavas of Devagiri (later renamed
Daulatabad), the Kakatiyas of Warangal and the Hoysalas of Dorasamudra (mod-
ern Halebid). The territories controlled by these three dynasties of Hindu rulers
more or less coincided with the Marathi, Telugu and Kannada linguistic zones of
the region. The expedition of Alauddin, nephew and son-in-law of Jalaluddin Firuz
Shah, the Khalji ruler of Delhi, disrupted these kingdoms. After fording the
Narmada and Tapti rivers, Alauddin reached the outer walls of Devagiri in April
1296. Unprepared for Alauddin’s onslaught, Ramachandra, the Yadava raja, was
compelled to pay a huge ransom of gold, jewels, textiles, elephants and horses.
Alauddin’s soldiers plundered the Devagiri palace, but left one month later after
Ramachandra had agreed to pay an annual tribute. Returning directly to Delhi,
Alauddin was proclaimed sultan in October that same year, his claim to the Khalji
throne bolstered by the Yadava treasure that he had carried off as booty from the
Deccan.

Not content with having conquered Devagiri, Alauddin headed another expedi-
tion in 1302-3, this time directed against Warangal. Unlike the assault on the
Yadavas, the attempt to plunder the Kakatiyas failed. The next intrusion into the
Deccan occured in 1309-10, the Khalji army on this occasion being led by Malik
Kafur. Having secured the loyalty of Ramachandra, Alauddin turned his attention
once more to the war with Warangal, ordering Malik Kafur to subjugate its ruler,
Prataparudra. The operation met with success and in 1310 Prataparudra sued for
peace, promising to remit an annual tribute to Delhi. Encouraged by these lucrative
assaults and discovering the riches of the Hoysala and Pandya kingdoms further
south, Alauddin conceived yet another campaign. Leaving Delhi in October 1310
and passing by Devagiri to recruit reinforcements, Malik Kafur arrived at
Dorasamudra in record time. After the Hoysala king Ballalla had surrendered,
Malik Kafur persuaded him to march with the Delhi troops against Madura,
headquarters of the Pandyas in the Tamil lands in the extreme south of the
peninsula. This mission met with little resistence and Malik Kafur was once again
able to acquire an immense treasure.

At the conclusion of these raids, an uneasy peace returned to the Deccan, the
Yadavas, Kakatiyas and Hoysalas having been reduced to vassals by Delhi. Yet the
supremacy of the Khaljis in peninsular India was challenged by Singhana, who
succeeded Ramachandra as ruler of Devagiri in 1312. Malik Kafur was despatched
once again to the Deccan and in the ensuing battle Singhana lost his life. This time
the Yadava citadel and the surrounding country were permanently occupied by the
Delhi troops. The Khalji annexation was completed when Alauddin issued coins in
his own name from the Devagiri mint. Malik Kafur was recalled to Delhi in 1315,
shortly before Alauddin’s death. In the dynastic turmoil that followed, Malik Kafur

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1 Fort with artificially scarped hill, Daulatabad, thirteenth to seventeenth centuries

was murdered and Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah came to power. Concerned that
Devagiri was slipping out of control, Qutbuddin organised a march to the Deccan
in 1317, taking with him his favourite commander, Khusro Khan. Devagiri was once
again occupied, and Qutbuddin returned to Delhi, but only after ordering a
mosque to be erected to commemorate the Khalji victory (see chapter 3).

Khusro Khan remained in the Deccan to plan further forays southward. But his
influence came to an end in 1321 when the Khaljis were overthrown by the
Tughlugs. One of the first tasks of the new dynasty was to incorporate the Deccan
into the Delhi Sultanate. In 1323 Ghiyathuddin Shah, first of the Tughluq sultans,
ordered his son Ulugh Khan to occupy the region and to press southward into the
Tamil area. Maintaining control over these farflung territories proved difficult,
however, and several local rulers took the opportunity of rebelling. On the death of
his father in 1325, Ulugh Khan assumed the throne under the name of Muhammad
Shah. In an attempt to consolidate the Tughlug hold on the Deccan and the Tamil
lands further south, Muhammad Shah conceived the notion of shifting the Delhi
court to Devagiri. In 1327 this citadel became the second capital of the Tughlug
Sultanate under the name Daulatabad, City of Prosperity (Fig. 1). Ramparts and
gates added to the fort at this time are still extant (see chapter 2).

Muhammad’s drastic move proved only a temporary measure, for within a few
years many of the North Indian migrants returned to Delhi. Nor did the relocation
of the imperial seat succeed in achieving political stability; many parts of the

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conquered Deccan broke away, such as Warangal in 1329 and, further south,
Madura in 1334. The year 1336 marks the traditional foundation date of
Vijayanagara, the kingdom established by the Sangamas at their new capital on the
Tungabhadra, some 500 kilometres south of Daulatabad. All lands beyond this
river were from this time on permanently lost to the Tughlugs.

Unrest in the Deccan reached a climax in 1345 with a rebellion led by Ismail
Mukh, an Afghan officer who routed the army sent by the Delhi sultan.
Daulatabad’s treasury was seized and the governorships of the different provinces
were redistributed among the nobles. Hasan, ablest of Muhammad Shah’s fol-
lowers and honoured by him with the title of Zafar Khan, was appointed military
commander. But under his leadership the tendency towards independence con-
tinued and the Deccan nobles finally broke with Delhi. To advertise his success,
Zafar Khan ordered the erection of a victory tower known as the Chand Minar at
Daulatabad (see Fig. 34). In August 1347 Zafar Khan ascended the throne as
Alauddin Hasan Bahman Shah.

THE BAHMANIS

Alauddin (1347-58) gave his family name to a new line of rulers, henceforth known
as the Bahmanis after the legendary hero Bahman of the Persian epic, the Shah
Namah. His first task was to obtain the submission of local chiefs and to bring all
the Deccan territories of the former Tughlugs under his control. He then occupied
the Konkan, a narrow strip of land flanking the Arabian Sea coast. The former
Kakatiya citadel of Warangal, however, remained beyond his grasp, though not that
of his successors. Towards the end of his rule, Alauddin selected Gulbarga, 320
kilometres south-west of Daulatabad, as the new Bahmani capital.

The reign of Alauddin’s son and successor, Muhammad I (1358-75), is marked by
a division of the Bahmani territories into the provinces of Daulatabad, Bidar,
Gavilgad and Golconda. To mark the special status of Gulbarga, Muhammad
ordered the construction of a Jami mosque within the fort (see Fig. 36). Muham-
mad’s reign coincided with the introduction of gunpowder into the Deccan, where
it was used as early as 1365. The consequence of this type of warfare is seen in
fortifications with slit holes for guns and rounded bastions with crenellations (see
Fig. 4). Like later Bahmani sultans, Muhammad was preoccupied with wars against
the Sangamas of Vijayanagara. The main source of conflict was control of the richly
watered tract of territory between the Krishna and the Tungabhadra. Strategic sites
in this area, such as Raichur and Mudgal, were won and lost on more than one
occasion.

A period of instability followed upon Muhammad’s death, during the reigns of
two short-lived rulers, Mujahid and Dawud. The comparatively peaceful reign of
Muhammad II (1378-97), the next sultan, was marked by only minor skirmishes
with Vijayanagara. The period of Tajuddin Firuz (1397-1422), one of the most

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powerful of the Bahmani rulers and certainly the outstanding personality of the era,
saw the influx of numerous Persians, Arabs and Turks. This resulted in a struggle
for power between the newcomers and the older-established elite that marked the
beginning of the Afaqi-Dakhni friction. Firuz was a learned sultan and his era has
been viewed in terms of cultural synthesis. He was also a pious man who invited
prominent Sufi teachers, such as the Chishti saint Hazrat Muhammad Gesudaraz,
to settle in his capital. Though Firuz attempted to achieve peace with Vijayanagara
by marrying the daughter of Devaraya I, struggles over the disputed territories were
never resolved. It was while returning from a successful expedition beyond the
Tungabhadra in 1400 that he founded a palace city named after himself as
Firuzabad (see Fig. 8). One problem for Firuz in his later years was the rift that grew
between himself and his brother Ahmad. This was aggravated by Gesudaraz’s
prediction that Ahmad would inherit the Bahmani throne.

This, in fact, came to pass after Firuz died, followed soon after by Gesudaraz.
Firuz was buried in a magnificent mausoleum on the outskirts of Gulbarga, within
sight of the saint’s tomb (see Figs. 39 and 40). At some date between 1424 and 1427,
Ahmad I (1422-36) decided to shift the Bahmani capital to Bidar, about 100
kilometres to the north-east. This move signalled a perceptible change in the
character of the Sultanate, which thereafter manifested increasing contacts with the
Mongol and Timurid world of Iran and Central Asia. Asa result, the Afaqis became
the dominant faction at the Bahmani court. The influence of these foreigners is
discernible in the architecture of the era which displays obvious Iranian tendencies
(see chapters 2 and 3). Another manifestation of the increased contacts with the
Middle East are the links that Ahmad established with saintly figures such as Shah
Khalilullah, son of the revered Shah Nimatullah of Kirman, and a formidable
shaykh in his own right, who arrived in Bidar in 1431. Throughout his reign, Ahmad
was preoccupied both with wars against Vijayanagara and with struggles against
rival sultans in Malwa and Gujarat, the regions to the north and north-west of the
Deccan respectively. The outcome of these confrontations, however, was rarely
decisive and the Bahmani kingdom survived more or less intact.

Ongoing strife between the Afaqis and Dakhnis and fruitless campaigns against
Vijayanagara, Malwa and Gujarat disrupted the reign of Alauddin Ahmad II
(1436-58). The supposed tyrannical behaviour of the next sultan, Humayun
(1458-61), is sometimes explained by the attempts of the Afaqis to depose him. It
was under Humayun that Mahmud Gawan began to be involved with affairs of
state. His political career progressed during the reign of Muhammad III (1463-82).
As prime minister under this youthful ruler, Mahmud Gawan assumed full respon-
sibility for state affairs. Though his policy of balancing Afaqis against Dakhnis won
him the support of the indigenous population, Mahmud Gawan’s own sympathies
were with the Afaqis and the Shia sect to which many belonged. In a bid to affirm
the supremacy of Shiism at the Bahmani court, Mahmud Gawan ordered the
construction of a grandiose madrasa. Though surviving only in a damaged state,

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this theological college testifies to the pervasive influence of Iranian architectural
and religious traditions in the Deccan (see Figs. 43 and 44). Its brilliantly coloured
tiles are the finest of the era in India (see Fig. 100).

Difficulties with Malwa, the region immediately north of the Deccan, led to a
major battle in 1467-8, but under Mahmud Gawan’s able command the Bahmani
forces emerged unscathed. A triumph of his diplomacy was the coalition with
Vijayanagara against the Orissan army which had threatened the Bahmani king-
dom on its north-eastern frontier. Another objective was Goa, the leading port of
the Konkan, which was taken in 1472. With the Bahmani territories stretching from
the Arabian Sea to the Bay of Bengal and from the Tapti on the north to the
Tungabhadra on the south, Mahmud Gawan was able to carry out administrative
reforms, including a revision of land measurement and revenue assessment. These
successes must have aroused considerable envy, for in 1481 he became the victim of a
conspiracy and was beheaded by order of the sultan. On learning of the plot
Muhammad suffered remorse and he himself died exactly one year later.

The long reign of his son Mahmud (1482-1518) coincides with the disintegration
of the Bahmani kingdom, a process which was hastened by courtly intrigues. The
most important military commanders established themselves with greater authority
in their provincial headquarters: thus, Nizam al-Mulk at Ahmadnagar, Imad
al-Mulk at Achalpur, Yusuf Adil Khan at Bijapur and Sultan Quli Qutb al-Mulk at
Golconda. Qasim Barid, an officer based in Bidar, challenged the sultan’s author-
ity, forcing Mahmud to appoint him as prime minister in 1488. This provided an
excuse for the provincial governors to declare their autonomy. Meanwhile, the
threat from Vijayanagara continued, especially under Narasimha Saluva who had
wrested the throne from the Sangamas. Narasimha and Yusuf Adil Khan, leader of
the Bahmani forces, met on several occasions in the ensuing war. With the arrival of
the Portuguese the Bahmanis suffered losses on the Arabian Sea coast, including
Goa. Only minor figures with little actual power occupied the Bahmani throne
between 1518 and 1538. They are, however, buried in the company of their more
powerful predecessors in the necropolis at Ashtur on the outskirts of Bidar (see Fig.

45).

THE NIZAM SHAHIS, IMAD SHAHIS AND FARUQIS

The opening decades of the sixteenth century witnessed the fragmentation of the
Bahmani kingdom into smaller Sultanates, each governed by an independent
dynasty. The three most powerful dynasties of Deccan kings were the Nizam Shahis
of Ahmadnagar, the Adil Shahis of Bijapur and the Qutb Shahis of Golconda.
Their territories more or less coincided with the Marathi, Kannada and Telugu
countries. Lesser rulers were the Imad Shahis based at first at Gavilgad, capital of
Berar on the north-eastern fringe of the Deccan, and the Baridis who governed
from Bidar in continuation after the Bahmanis. Another state is Khandesh, located

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between the Tapti and Narmada on the northern periphery of the Deccan.
Founded in 1382 by Malika Raja, a former Tughluq officer, the Farugis enjoyed a
history that was longer than that of the Bahmanis, maintaining their lineage
throughout the sixteenth century.

A review of the simultaneous careers of these Sultanates reveals an unceasing
history of shifting alliances and wars, effectively preventing any single kingdom
from attaining supremacy. Afaqi-Dakhni strife inherited from Bahmani times
continued; so too did conflicts with Vijayanagara. Short-lived coalitions with the
Tuluvas, the new line of rajas at Vijayanagara, contributed further to the instability
of the period. Only when all of the Deccan sultans perceived the empire on their
southern flank as a common enemy was a consortium formed that led to the battle
of January 1565 in which the Vijayanagara forces were finally vanquished.

The first Sultanate to attain autonomy was that of the Nizam Shahis. These kings
traced their origins to Malik Hasan Bahri, a converted Hindu in the service of the
Bahmanis, who gained recognition by waging wars on behalf of Mahmud Gawan.
However, Malik Hasan fell victim to the hostilities that beset Bidar following the
death of Mahmud Gawan; he was himself murdered in 1486. Thereupon his son,
Ahmad Nizam al-Mulk, broke into open revolt. Establishing his headquarters at
Junnar in the western Deccan, Ahmad successfully resisted the forces sent to subdue
him by Qasim Barid of Bidar and Yusuf Adil Khan of Bijapur. He then declared
independence, striking coins in the name of Ahmad Bahri Nizam Shah (1496-1510).

As a result of the relations that he forged with local Maratha chiefs, Ahmad Bahri
augmented his holdings by acquiring the strongholds of Daulatabad and Panhala.
He also attempted an assault on Khandesh in the hope of expanding his dominions
to the north. On his death, Ahmad was buried in a magnificent tomb on the
outskirts of Ahmadnagar (see Fig. 50), the capital that he founded towards the end
of his reign and which was named after him. Though only a child when he ascended
the throne, Burhan I (1510-53) was supported by his capable commanders who
protected the kingdom from the attacks of the Imad Shahis and Adil Shahis. They
were, however, unable to avoid clashes with the armies of Khandesh and Gujarat.
Shiism was adopted as the state religion, thereby bringing the Nizam Shahi
kingdom into sympathetic relations with Iran. In the wars against Bijapur through-
out the period, Burhan often allied himself with Golconda and Vijayanagara.

Burhan’s son and successor, Husain I (1553-65), secured the Nizam Shahi
frontiers and achieved an accord with the Portuguese. The resulting peace gave the
sultan an opportunity to construct the great circular fort of his capital (chapter 2).
In 1564 Husain’s army joined that of Bijapur, Bidar and Golconda to counter the
threat from Vijayanagara. Their victory over Ramaraya, commander of the vast
Tuluva army, was decisive, but Husain himself died shortly after. The Nizam Shahi
throne was inherited by his eldest son, Murtaza I (1565-88). The alliance with
Bijapur and Golconda was soon broken and Murtaza was involved in new power
struggles. The declining fortunes of Bidar and Berar inspired Murtaza to join forces

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with Ali I of Bijapur. The policy proved successful and in 1574 Berar became a
province of the Nizam Shahi kingdom. That this was the high point in the fortunes
of Ahmadnagar is suggested by the grandiose Farah Bagh complex built just outside
the capital (see Figs. 17 and 18), considerably more imposing than the palaces built
on similar plans in Iran at the same time. The obviously Middle Eastern features of
the Farah Bagh contrast with the more Deccani style of the Damri mosque, the
most exquisite monument of the era (see Fig. 51). Painting and the fine arts also
flourished at the Nizam Shahi court during Murtaza’s reign judging from the two
imposing portraits of this ruler (see Colour Plate 2 and Fig. 110). These extraordi-
nary miniatures, executed in a refined and original style, are among the earliest
known paintings produced in the Deccan.

The circumstances in which the much smaller kingdom of Berar was founded in
the extreme north-east corner of the former Bahmani state parallels those of
Ahmadnagar. Fathullah Imad Shah, after whom the dynasty was named, rose to
power as a military officer under the Bahmanis. After assisting Mahmud Gawan in
his campaigns of 1472-3, he was appointed governor of Berar from where he
attempted to maintain cordial relations with the commanders of Bijapur and Bidar.
The citadels at Gavilgad and Narnala were consolidated under his orders (see
chapter 2). Fathullah was succeeded by his son, Alauddin (1510-30), who resisted
the agression of the Nizam Shahis by enlisting the aid of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat.
The next Imad Shahi ruler, Darya (1530-61), attempted an alliance with Bijapur in
order to avert the threat from Ahmadnagar, but this strategy proved futile. It was
not until the reign of the next sultan, Burhan (1562-74), that Berar was finally
annexed by the Nizam Shahis.

To return to the affairs of Ahmadnagar: the later years of Murtaza’s rule were
marked by plots and assassinations, with renewed assaults from Bijapur. Having
occupied Berar, Murtaza continued to press northwards and made several raids on
Khandesh. Here he was checked by the Mughal army which from 1586 presented an
entirely new threat to the Deccan. Relations with his own family deteriorated
rapidly and in 1588 Murtaza was imprisoned by his own son.

A period of uncertainty ensued. The next Nizam Shahi ruler of any importance,
Burhan II (1591-5), was partly supported by the Mughal emperor Akbar who
attempted to interfere in local affairs. After the death of Burhan, there was a series of
short-lived sultans whose powers were curtailed by courtly strife. With the invasion
of the Adil Shahis in 1595 and the subsequent demise of Ibrahim, who occupied the
throne for a few months only, state affairs were taken over by Ibrahim’s sister,
Chand Bibi. Though she proved an able ruler, Chand Bibi was unable to prevent
the loss of Berar to the Mughals in 1596. Ongoing quarrels at the Nizam Shahi court
offered further opportunities for Mughal intervention. Ahmadnagar was taken in
1600 by Akbar’s commander Abul Fazl, who had Chand Bibi murdered.

The following years witnessed the rise of Malik Ambar, a Habshi (African) slave
who emerged as the most powerful figure in the Nizam Shahi state at the turn of the

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seventeenth century. It was only with his support that the Mughals were expelled
from Ahmadnagar and that Murtaza II came to be crowned there in 1600. Malik
Ambar overcame his internal enemies, led expeditions against Bidar and Golconda
and even managed to withstand the attacks of the Khan-i Khanan, commander of
the Mughal forces under Jahangir.

After installing Burhan HI (1610-31) on the throne, Malik Ambar resumed his
offensive against Bijapur and Golconda, but had only limited success with the
Mughals. Besides his outstanding military leadership, Malik Ambar was also an
active builder. His tomb at Khuldabad, 8 kilometres north of Daulatabad, is the
finest of the Nizam Shahi period (see Fig. 53). In subsequent years the Mughals
intensified their assaults on the Nizam Shahis, often with the aid of reinforcements
from Bijapur. A temporary respite for Ahmadnagar came in 1633 when Shahji, a
Maratha noble, helped the Nizam Shahi forces to recover the forts at Pune and
Junnar. However, this only served to provoke the Mughals, who stormed
Daulatabad that same year. This citadel now became the chief garrison of the
invaders under their new leader, Prince Aurangzeb. The conquest of Ahmadnagar’s
territories proceeded and in 1636 Murtaza III, the last Nizam Shahi ruler, was taken
prisoner. Shortly after, this Sultanate was absorbed into the Mughal empire.

The Faruqis of Khandesh have already been noted. These kings established
themselves first at Thalner on the Tapti, shifting later to Burhanpur 150 kilometres
upstream. The turbulent history of the Farugi kingdom is partly explained by its
location: to the south were the Bahmanis and their successors, the Nizam Shahis; to
the north was the kingdom of Malwa, annexed by Gujarat after 1531. Though both
the Nizam Shahis and the Gujarat sultans repeatedly intruded into Faruqi-held
lands, Khandesh preserved its autonomy for more than 200 years before succum-
bing to the Mughals in 1600. Among the many Farugi rulers of distinction was Adil
Khan II (1457-1501). His long reign witnessed the transformation of Burhanpur
into one of the wealthiest centres of trade and textile production in the Deccan. It
was the widow of a later ruler of the same name, Adil Khan III (1508-20), who built
its imposing Bibi-ka mosque (see chapter 3).

THE ADIL SHAHIS AND BARIDIS, ASCENDANCY OF THE
MARATHAS

The early history of the Adil Shahis derives from the career of Yusuf Adil Khan,
governor of Bijapur under Mahmud Gawan. Following the example of Ahmad
Nizam al-Mulk, Yusuf asserted his autonomy in the last years of the fifteenth
century and was able to consolidate his holdings in spite of opposition from
Qasim Barid. One of Yusuf’s first tasks was to fortify Bijapur and to provide it
with a sophisticated hydraulic system (see chapter 2). By the time of his death in
1510, Yusuf’s territories extended from the Bhima on the north to the Tunga-
bhadra on the south. In 1503 Yusuf proclaimed Shiism as the state creed at Bijapur,

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inspired by Shah Ismail, the Safavid ruler of Iran who had acted similarly in the
previous year. Shortly afterwards, the Portuguese arrived at Goa. Yusuf attempted
to expel the Europeans by attacking Goa and fostering an alliance with the
Egyptian and Gujarat fleets. But the port was irrecoverably lost to the Adil Shahis
and from 1510 onwards the Portuguese were permanently established on the
Arabian Sea coast.

The next ruler, Ismail Khan (1510-34), succeeded as a minor to the Bijapur
throne. Kamal Khan, the regent, was forced to make peace with the Portuguese. He
then turned his attention to the internal affairs of the state, restoring the Sunni rites
of worship in the mosques and supressing the Afaqi contingent at the Adil Shahi
court. Kamal Khan’s ambitions for power turned against him and in 1512 he was
stabbed to death. In the civil strife that followed the Afaqis rose to power. The
disorder at Bijapur created an excuse for Amir I (1504-43), the first Baridi ruler, to
invade parts of the Adil Shahi territories. Amir I was supported by Krishnadevaraya,
the new and powerful Tuluva emperor, with the result that Vijayanagara recovered
a portion of the lands previously lost to the Bahmanis. The arrival of the Gujarat
army put an end to this process and with the aid of these supplementary forces
Bijapur was able to recover most of its possessions.

In contrast to his regent, Ismail did everything possible to sponsor connections
with Iran. He was rewarded in 1519 when Shah Ismail addressed him in an embassy
as ‘Shah’. Thereafter, the Bijapur sultans considered themselves superior to the
other Deccani rulers. Ismail was so captivated with Iranian culture and manners
that he had his officers wear the Shia headdress and included the name of the
Safavid ruler in the Friday prayers recited in the mosques of the kingdom. These
acts formed part of an anti-Dakhni policy in which the sultan vowed to admit only
Afaqi officers to his army and court.

After a year of uncertainty following Ismail’s death, the Adil Shahi throne was
occupied by the teenager Ibrahim I (1535-58), with Asad Khan as prime minister.
This figure, who was probably a Sunni, revoked the pro-Shia policy of Ismail, and
Dakhnis were once again favoured for military and courtly positions. Under Asad
Khan’s able command, the Bijapur army enjoyed successes against both
Vijayanagara and Ahmadnagar, and in 1543 resisted the machinations of Sultan
Jamshid of Golconda. On the western flank, they were attacked by the Portuguese,
forcing Ibrahim to sue for peace. The situation had not much improved when Ali I
(1558-80) succeeded, by which time Ali Shah (1543-80) was ruling at Bidar. Ali Adil
Shah I reverted to Shiism, favouring the Afaqi contingent. He attempted to enter
into an agreement with Ramaraya of Vijayanagara with whom he campaigned
against Ahmadnagar in 1559-61. This association was abandoned in favour of the
celebrated confederacy of Bidar, Ahmadnagar and Golconda against Vijayanagara.
Of all the Sultanates, Bijapur benefited most from the triumph of January 1565,
amassing considerable booty and securing lands beyond the Tungabhadra. An idea
of the large-scale building projects that this victory made possible may be had from

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the imposing Jami mosque at Bijapur (see Fig. 55). Ali I met his end by stabbing and
was the first Adil Shahi sultan to be laid to rest in the capital.

Ali Barid Shah, his counterpart at Bidar, died the same year and was buried in a
lofty domed monument on the outskirts of his capital (see Fig. 48). This sultan was
involved in the struggles of the period, shifting his alliances from Ahmadnagar to
Bijapur as circumstances dictated. Among his architectural achievements is the
Rangin Mahal in the Bidar fort, the most complete and exquisitely decorated
courtly structure to survive from the sixteenth century (see Figs. 97 and 98). Ali was
succeeded by Ibrahim (1580-7), heir to a declining kingdom threatened by power-
ful states on all sides.

The long reign of Ibrahim Adil Shah II (1580-1627) is often considered a golden
age in the fortunes of Bijapur. His rule began under the regency of Kamal Khan and
the administration of the Habshi officer Ikhlas Khan. The importance of Ikhlas
Khan, who rose to the position of prime minister, may be gauged from the
miniature paintings in which he appears together with his royal patron (see Figs. 132
and 133). Ibrahim’s reign was marked by war with Ahmadnagar and difficulties with
disobedient chiefs. In 1591 Akbar sent a diplomatic mission to Bijapur in order to
ascertain whether the Adil Shahis would accept Mughal suzerainty; Ibrahim de-
clined. Meanwhile, Malik Ambar had recovered Ahmadnagar and attempted to
invade the Bidar kingdom. Benefiting from the commander’s preoccupation with
the Mughals, Ibrahim succeeded in taking Bidar in 1619 and annexing the Baridi
dominions. This aroused the wrath of Malik Ambar who marched unhindered to
Bijapur where he stormed Ibrahim’s unfinished new city of Nauraspur (see chapter
2). One minor incident of Ibrahim’s reign was the loss of the island fortress of
Janjira to the Habshi naval generals in 1618. Known as the Sidis, this line of local
rulers was to outlast the Adil Shahis themselves.

Ibrahim II enjoys the reputation of having been the greatest patron of the arts of
his era. Contemporary literature praises the sultan as a skilled poet, who preferred
to use Deccani Urdu rather than Persian, as well as a musician, calligrapher and
connoisseur of painting. The truth of this description is borne out by the rapturous-
ly coloured miniatures, some of them royal portraits, ascribed to his reign (Fig. 2;
see also Colour Plate 1 and Figs. 121-9). Here, in a surprising way, Iranian pictorial
traditions are animated by Deccani opulence and fantasy. Ibrahim was no less
significant as a builder. The mausoleum and accompanying prayer hall that he
completed before his death on the outskirts of the capital, a complex known as the
Ibrahim Rauza, are unsurpassed for their splendid domed compositions and
virtuoso stone carving (see Figs. 58 to 61).

After the death of Ibrahim II, the Dakhni contingent at court was successful in
placing his second son, Muhammad (1627-56), on the Bijapur throne under the
regent Khawas Khan. This noble attempted to form an alliance with Ahmadnagar
in order to restrain the Mughal advance. This, however, did not prevent the
emperor Shah Jahan from dispatching an army to Bijapur in 1631, directed by his

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2 Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah I holding castanets, attributed to the Bodleian painter,
Bijapur, c. 1610-20

father-in-law, Asaf Khan. Though this expedition was repulsed, it paved the way for
a better organised campaign five years later which forced Muhammad to sign a deed
of submission. Having suffered this humiliation, Muhammad was freed for a time
from the Mughal threat and was able to concentrate on expanding his borders.

It was during the later years of Muhammad’s rule that the Adil Shahi Sultanate
reached its maximum extent, hampered neither by Anmadnagar, which by now had
become part of the Mughal empire, nor by Golconda. This was the period of
Bijapur’s most ambitious architectural achievements, as exemplified by Muham-
mad’s own mausoleum, the Gol Gumbad, the most technically advanced domed
structure to be erected in the Deccan (see Figs. 62 and 63), reputedly the largest
dome in the world after St Peter’s in Rome. That this was also a time of artistic
flowering is borne out by the many miniatures ascribed to Muhammad’s reign. The
obviously Mughal appearance of these works suggests the influence of North Indian
artistic and cultural modes. Military operations under Muhammad tended to be
directed southwards. Under the able leadership of Randaula Khan and Shahji, the
latter having arrived from Ahmadnagar, the Bijapur troops marched into the Tamil
lands where they occupied the fortresses at Vellore and Gingee, overcoming

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opposition by the Nayaka kings of Thanjavur. Meanwhile, Muhammad attempted
an association with Dutch traders in an attempt to restrain the Portuguese who had
by now established maritime supremacy in the Arabian Sea.

One event which was to have far-reaching consequences was the insurrection of
Shahji’s son, Shivaji, who had been granted governorship of the Pune province,
now part of Bijapur’s domains. Taking advantage of Muhammad’s preoccupation
in the south, Shivaji occupied the citadel of Torna in 1646. Shahji was arrested by
Muhammad in an attempt to subdue his disloyal son, but he was released when
Shivaji capitulated. Yet Shivaji became active soon after and in 1650 took the hill
forts of Purandhar and Rairi, the latter destined to become his capital as Raigad.
Over the following years Shivaji captured a number of mountain strongholds in the
Sahyadri ranges on the north-western fringe of the Adil Shahi territories. Though
his influence extended also to the Konkan, Shivaji was unable to capture the island
citadel of the Sidis at Janjira.

War with the Mughals broke out during the reign of Ali II (1656-72). Prince
Aurangzeb led the Mughal army which arrived at Aurangabad in 1657 and from
there headed south. Only after seizing Bidar and the fort at Kalyana did Aurangzeb
march on Bijapur. But at the last moment he was recalled to Delhi by Shah Jahan
and was forced to conclude a hasty peace with Ali. Both the Adil Shahis and the
Mughals were troubled by raids executed with considerable daring by bands of
Maratha warriors led by Shivaji. These rebels were temporarily subdued in 1665
when Shivaji was compelled to sign a treaty by which he agreed to assist in the war
against the Adil Shahis. However, this did not prevent Shivaji from steadily
consolidating his influence in the western Deccan. In 1674 he had himself crowned
as a traditional Hindu monarch, assuming the title of chhatrapati, lord of the
[royal] umbrella. The ceremony took place in his newly completed ceremonial
headquarters at Raigad (see Figs. 29 and 30).

Khawas Khan assumed command of the Adil Shahi sultanate on the assumption
of the throne by the infant Sikandar Ali (1672-86), but was ousted in turn by his
rival, Bhalol Khan. Courtly intrigue at Bijapur left the capital open to attack by the
forces of Shivaji, who then proceeded south as far as Thanjavur, absorbing all the
previous Adil Shahi conquests in the Tamil lands. In 1679 Shivaji joined a
contingent of the Mughal army in an attempt to besiege the Adil Shahi capital. But
the campaign was abandoned and Shivaji died soon after in April 1680. Freed of his
most skilled adversary, Aurangzeb, now emperor, was thus able to concentrate on
the two remaining Sultanates. It was, however, not until 1685 that the Mughal army
reached the outer walls of Bijapur. Some eighteen months of seige were required to
force Sikander to hand over the keys of the citadel, whereupon Bijapur became a
province of the Mughal empire.

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THE QUTB SHAHIS

Sultan Quli Qutb al-Mulk, founder of the Qutb Shahi dynasty, rose to prominence
as a governor of the Bahmanis. In 1487 he was sent to the eastern provinces of the
kingdom to quell rebellious leaders. After establishing himself at Golconda, which
he strengthened with rings of ramparts and formidable gates (see Figs. 24 and 25),
he mounted expeditions against the forces of Vijayanagara, taking Warangal from
the rebellious Shitab Khan. In the later years of his governorship Qutb al-Mulk
resisted the combined armies of Bidar and Bijapur which had attempted to occupy
Golconda. Unfortunately, he came to an ignoble end when he was murdered by his
son, Jamshid (1543-50), who then assumed power. Though Jamshid never pro-
claimed himself sultan, he compelled local chiefs to accept his authority and
managed to wrest several forts from the Baridis. For a time he entered into a
coalition with Ahmadnagar and Berar.

The next ruler of consequence, Ibrahim (1550-80), overcame his distrust of rival
sultans and lent his army to the confederacy against Vijayanagara. As a result of the
1565 victory, Ibrahim inherited the hill forts of Adoni and Udayagiri. He then
raided Penukonda, the fortified site where the Vijayanagara court had fled. Ibrahim
was involved for much of his reign with struggles against the Nizam Shahis. He was
the first Golconda ruler to assume the title of sultan and to issue coins in his own
name.

One of the first acts of Muhammad Quli (1580-1611) was to shift the Qutb Shahi
capital to nearby Hyderabad. The focal point of the newly planned city was the
Char Minar, the most architecturally innovative monument of the era (see Fig. 27).
The flowering of poetry and painting at the new capital owed much to the
personality of this sultan, who equalled his contemporary Ibrahim Adil Shah as an
impassioned patron of the arts. Muhammad Quli was soon plunged into conflicts
with Bijapur, as well as being threatened with aggression from the Mughal army.
Chand Bibi appealed to Muhammad Quli to join the Ahmadnagar forces in a
common cause against the conquerors, but her request failed. Meanwhile, the
Golconda king crushed a rebellion at Kondavidu in the eastern Deccan and
occupied the Vijayanagara stronghold of Gandikota.

The Mughals brought increasing pressure to bear on Muhammad, the next Qutb
Shahi ruler. On receiving Shah Jahan’s envoy at Golconda in 1616, Muhammad
agreed to further the Mughal cause by withdrawing all support for Malik Ambar.
The reign of this sultan is marked by the first contacts with European merchants
who were attracted to Golconda by the diamonds and textiles for which the
kingdom was famous. That Muhammad was also a capable builder is revealed by
the Mecca mosque at Hyderabad, as well as by his own mausoleum in the royal
necropolis at Golconda (see Fig. 68).

The Mughal menace affected much of the long reign of Abdullah (1626-72). In
1636 Abdullah was forced to sign the deed of submission, bringing the Qutb Shahi

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territories directly under Shah Jahan’s surveillance, thereby reducing Golconda
effectively to a Mughal protectorate. Among the terms imposed, the Sunni faith
was to replace Shiism as the state religion, and the name of the Mughal emperor was
to be recited in the Friday prayers. But even these measures did not guarantee the
end of Mughal aggression, for in 1656 Aurangzeb and his forces once again besieged
Golconda.

Abul Hasan (1672-87), last of the Qutb Shahis, was led into an agreement with
Shivaji whom he perceived as an ally in the struggle against the Mughals. The
Maratha leader spent a whole month in Hyderabad in 1677 before mounting his
southern campaign. After the fall of Bijapur to the Mughals in 1686, the imperial
army was free to concentrate on Hyderabad. The third siege of Golconda lasted
eight months and in September 1687 the gates of the fort were opened by treachery.
Abul Hasan was taken prisoner and died three years later in captivity at Daulatabad.
In spite of this sorry end to the rule of the Qutb Shahis, the Hyderabad court shows
no sign of artistic decline in its later years, judging from the sumptuous portraits of
royal figures and elegant maidens ascribed to the reigns of Abdullah and Abul
Hasan (see Figs. 145-54), a tradition that continued into the early eighteenth
century under the patronage of the Mughals, then the Asaf Jahis.

DECLINE OF THE MUGHALS, RISE OF THE ASAF JAHIS

The last two decades of Aurangzeb’s life were spent in almost continuous warfare
with the Marathas. In 1688-9, Aurangzeb’s armies marched south and east to
repossess the former territories of Bijapur and Golconda taken from the Mughals
by Sambhaji (1680-9), Shivaji’s son. With the help of Shaykh Nizam, former officer
of Golconda who had gone over to the Mughals, Aurangzeb captured and executed
Sambhaji. He then occupied Rajgad and Torna, both of which had been stren-
gthened by Shivaji (see chapter 2). The imperial army pursued Rajaram
(1689-1700), brother and successor of Sambhaji, all the way to Gingee, but it was
only with difficulty that the Mughals secured this citadel in 1698. Rajaram was
killed soon after and the Maratha leadership passed eventually to Sambhaji’s son,
Shahu (1708-49), who was also imprisoned by the Mughals. Aurangzeb met with
little resistance when he occupied Pune and Satara, principal centres of Maratha
power.

Though much preoccupied with these campaigns, Aurangzeb found time to
build extensively, especially at Aurangabad. This city, renamed after the emperor
himself, served as capital of the Mughal empire from 1693 until his death. The
fortifications, gates and royal residence constructed during Aurangzeb’s reign still
stand (see chapter 2); so too the imposing garden tomb of his wife, known
popularly as the Bibi-ka Magbara, erected in 1661 by his son Azam Shah, then
governor of the Deccan (see Fig. 75). In spite of the instability of the emperor’s later

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HISTORICAL FRAMEWORK

years as well as of those of his successors, the Mughal court at Aurangabad enjoyed
vigorous artistic activity, owing mainly to the patronage of high-ranking officers in
Aurangzeb’s service, including many Rajput officers. Paintings in a mixed Mughal-
Rajput style were produced at Aurangabad and other centres at this time (see Figs.
117-19).

Aurangzeb’s deep attachment to Sufi saints at Khuldabad explains his decision to
be buried in the simplest possible manner next to the tomb of Shaykh Zainuddin
Shirazi. The emperor’s death in 1707 initiated a struggle among his sons for control
of the Deccan. Azam ascended the Mughal throne at Ahmadnagar barely one
month after his father’s death. Before withdrawing to Delhi, he released Shahu in a
bid to encourage civil strife among different Maratha factions. Since the Deccani
wars had proved costly, the pay of the Mughal army was kept in arrears. This
proved a handicap for Azam who was challenged by his brother Muazzam, who
eventually ascended the imperial seat as Shah Alam Bahadur Shah (1707-13). A
dispute with the Deccani nobles was resolved with the appointment of Dhulfigar
Khan as viceroy. He intrigued with other Mughal princes in an effort to dislodge
Bahadur Shah. Though Dhulfigar was appointed prime minister, he did not
relinquish his governorship of the Deccan which he continued to control through
his deputy Dawud Khan.

Dynastic turmoil in Delhi, which resulted in Farrukh Siyar (1713-19) being
crowned emperor, together with the depleted treasury of the Mughal army, forced
Dawud Khan to accept the military support of the Marathas. In return, the
Maratha generals were permitted to collect taxes from the southernmost provinces
of the Deccan. In 1713 Dawud Khan was replaced by Nizam al-Mulk who ended the
remission of taxes, thereby earning the loyalty of disaffected Maratha chieftains
such as Sambhaji of Kolhapur (1714-60), a rival claimant to Shahu’s throne. After
his recall to Delhi and the murder of Farrukh Siyar, Nizam al-Mulk was appointed
prime minister of Muhammad Shah (1719-48), the new emperor. In 1724 he
returned to Aurangabad where he confronted the armed opposition of the Mughal
nobles. The ensuing battle was only won with the aid of Bajirao, the peshwa, or
chief minister, of Shahu. In the following year Muhammad Shah conferred on
Nizam al-Mulk the title of Asaf Jah in gratitude, confirming his governship of the
Deccan and leaving him to rule virtually free of interference from Delhi. The Asaf
Jahi kingdom, as it came to be known, developed into the last great bastion of
Islamic culture in India, surviving until 1950.

The vast territories encompassed by the six Deccani provinces, extending from
the Narmada in the north to the Kaveri in the south, yielded an income almost
equal to that of the rest of the Mughal empire including Afghanistan. In conse-
quence, Nizam al-Mulk’s power rivalled that of the Delhi ruler himself. Supported
by adequate funds, Nizam al-Mulk bestowed estates on his nobles and promoted
his officers. Though enjoying effective autonomy, he avoided the use of royal

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insignia, assuming the title of Nizam instead, a practice followed by his successors.
The sack of Delhi in 1739 by Nadir Shah of Iran and the consequent loss of the
imperial treasury signalled the end of Mughal leadership.

A struggle for succession lasting three years ensued upon Nizam al-Mulk’s death
in 1748. It was his third son, Salabat Jang (1751-62), who emerged victorious, aided
by French troops under Dupleix and Bussey. This ruler paid his debt to the French
by conceding to them trading possessions on the Bay of Bengal coast. Salabat Jang
maintained his own contingent of European troops in an effort to ward off the
Marathas. On the outbreak of war between England and France in 1756, the French
were driven out of the region by the English with whom Salabat Jang had
concluded various arrangements. The Maratha forces invaded the Asaf Jahi terri-
tories soon after, compelling Salabat Jang to surrender Aurangabad and Bidar in
1761. Asa result, Salabat Jang’s nobles lost confidence in his capability as an effective
leader and he was deposed by his younger brother, Nizam Ali Khan, Asaf Jah II
(1762-1802).

This ruler was responsible for transferring the Asaf Jahi capital from Aurangabad
to Hyderabad. Nizam Ali Khan then set about recovering the territories lost to the
Marathas, beginning with the reoccupation of Daulatabad. Hostilities against the
Marathas continued up to 1765 when peace was finally achieved. This permitted the
Nizam to enter into a treaty with the English by which they would furnish him with
subsidiary forces in return for a permanent presence in Hyderabad.

The outstanding event during these years was the growing influence of Haidar
Ali, a noble who had distinguished himself in earlier Mughal campaigns and who
had acted as governor in the southern part of the Kannada lands. Haidar’s
aggressive campaigns, together with those of his son and successor, Tipu Sultan,
persuaded Nizam Ali Khan to ally himself with both the Marathas and the English.
Though these forces were successful in 1791, this did not prevent Tipu from
reasserting his power; nor did it dissuade the Marathas from turning against the
Nizam. No doubt it was the fear of Maratha domination that persuaded the
Hyderabad ruler to agree to the establishment of a British garrison at nearby
Secunderabad. According to a new treaty of 1798, Nizam Ali Khan was compelled
to join forces with the British against Tipu. But the triumph over this valiant figure
at Srirangapattana in 1799 did not mean the end of Maratha attacks, which were to
continue into the following century.

DISPERSAL OF MARATHA POWER

Shivaji’s ascendancy during the period of the Mughal invasion of the Deccan and
his coronation at Raigad in 1674 have already been noted; so too the careers of
Sambhaji and Rajaram, both of whom met their deaths at the hands of the
Mughals. With Shivaji begins the revival of Hindu traditions that was to become
the outstanding feature of eighteenth-century Maratha culture. This led to the

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HISTORICAL FRAMEWORK

increased popularity of Hindu pilgrimage sites with the consequent resuscitation of
temple architecture and art which display many innovative tendencies (see chapter
8).

The Marathas under Shahu commanded most of the western Deccan, but were
unable to expand eastwards owing to the Mughal presence. Under the able
leadership of Balaji Vishvanath (1714-20), the first peshwa, the Marathas accepted
the vassalage of the Delhi emperor, but with the right to collect taxes from the
northern provinces. As representative of Maratha power, Balaji personally visited
Delhi in 1719 to ratify the terms of the treaty. The next year his son, Bajirao I
(1720-40), succeeded as the second peshwa. It was this minister who conceived the
notion of expanding northward, and in this endeavour he was joined by the
Gaekwad, Holkar, Shinde and Bhonsale chiefs. Bajirao’s campaign proceeded
rapidly and by 1729 the Maratha armies had passed through Malwa and Gujarat on
their way to Rajasthan. The peshwa pushed on to Delhi and in 1737 briefly held the
Mughal emperor to ransom. Bajirao next turned his attention to the Konkan and
developed the Maratha naval capacity at ports like Alibag. He attacked the Por-
tuguese possessions of Bassein and Chaul, both of which fell in 1740. Among the
building projects of the second peshwa are the fortified residence of Shanwar Wada
and the temple of Omkareshvara, both at Pune (see Fig. 188).

Shahu chose Bajirao’s son, Balaji Bajirao, known also as Nana Saheb (1740-61),
as the third peshwa. His rule coincided with the greatest extent of Maratha
influence. Successful raids on Bihar and Orissa brought parts of East India within
the Maratha orbit. By this time, the Maratha kingdom of Thanjavur had enjoyed
virtual autonomy for several decades. The Marathas fought only one major cam-
paign against Hyderabad in these years. It began with the siege of Aurangabad and
ended in 1751 with the annexation of Khandesh and the western half of Berar. By the
middle of the eighteenth century the Marathas had occupied substantial tracts of
the former Mughal empire and in the process had adopted many aspects of Mughal
administration. The impact of Mughal culture on Maratha art is also seen in the
brightly coloured murals produced at this time (see chapter 4). A significant
departure from Mughal procedure, however, was the autonomy with which the
Maratha chiefs ruled the conquered territories: the Gaekwads in Baroda, the
Holkars in Indore, the Shindes in Gwalior, the Bhonsales at Nagpur. These figures
had considerable impact on the revival of temple building in the regions under their
control, as can be seen at Trimbak, Ellora and Jejuri (see chapter 8).

Rebellion broke out at the death of Shahu and Nana Saheb had difficulty in
persuading the Maratha chiefs to accept Ram Raja as chhatrapati in 1749. There-
upon, the Marathas came into conflict with the French, whom they routed with
ease in 1751. The defeat of the combined Maratha forces at Panipat in 1761 by the
Afghan army, however, signalled the beginning of their decline. The fourth and
fifth peshwas, Madhavrao I (1761-72) and Narayanrao (1772-4), had difficulty in
controlling the breakaway Maratha factions and keeping the Hyderabad forces at

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bay. Madhavrao II (1774-96), who succeeded as the sixth peshwa, allied himself
with the English in an attempt to curb the rise of Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan. By
the time the British stormed Srirangapattana in 1799, the Maratha state had
disintegrated into civil war.

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CHAPTER 2

FORTS AND PALACES

The seemingly unending cycle of raids, sieges and invasions of the period under
consideration helps explain why defensive works in the Deccan were accorded such
architectural importance. Fortified cities and impressive strongholds were occupied
successively by different armies, thereby experiencing more than one phase of
construction; some sites span many hundreds of years, even going back to pre-
Sultanate times. Disentangling the chronology of the various structural additions,
replacements and renovations is no easy task and further research is still much
needed. Studying palace architecture in these centuries is further hampered by an
overall scarcity of well-preserved examples. Ceremonial, residential and service
buildings were often built in lighter materials, such as wood and plaster, rendering
these structures vulnerable to damage, if not total destruction. Furthermore, parts
of palace complexes that now consist of overgrown piles of rubble await archae-
ological exploration.

On their arrival in the Deccan, the armies of the Delhi sultans encountered a
longstanding tradition of military architecture. The chiselling of the sides of the
great basalt hill that forms the dramatic focus of the Devagiri citadel had already
been completed at this time; so too the concentric rings of granite fortifications at
Warangal. Ramparts at these and other pre-Sultanate sites, such as Raichur, have
walls with quadrangular bastions constructed of long stone slabs laid without any
mortar. Gateways consist of bent entrances and passageways roofed with horizontal
beams. Unfortunately, there is virtually no evidence for Deccani palace architecture
in pre-Sultanate times.

THE TUGHLUQS

Available architectural sources for the military works and royal complexes of the
Delhi invaders were the fortified cities of North India, the most impressive of which
is the citadel at Tughlugabad founded by Ghiyathuddin Shah in the early four-
teenth century. Masonry ramparts at this site display sloping walls and large
rounded bastions with prominent battlements of rounded elements and box-like
machicolations. The massive blocks of stone are generally secured with substantial
mortar. The courtly complex within the walls of Tughluqabad, now in an advanced
state of decay, appears to consist of a sequence of arcaded courts punctuated by
audience halls and places of prayer. Gates and portals are bridged by stone arches
with angled profiles; flattish domes and pointed vaults span the chambers of
residential and service structures.

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Hammam

Lt
0 500 m

Damlatabad

3 Plan of fort, Daulatabad, fourteenth to seventeenth centuries

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FORTS AND PALACES

4 Entrance to Balakot, Daulatabad, fourteenth century

All these stylistic and technical features were introduced into the Deccan follow-
ing the Muslim conquest. This, however, is not at first apparent under the Khaljis,
who seem to have had little opportunity to build on a grand scale. (The mosques
that they erected somewhat hastily at Bijapur and Daulatabad are noted in chapter
3). The situation changed under the Tughlugs, who did not merely invade the
Deccan, but for a time transferred their capital there. The occupation of the former
Yadava stronghold at Devagiri was accompanied by substantial building works.
The Tughluq commanders exploited to advantage the rock citadel, which they
termed Balakot, adding an intermediate circular fort known as Kataka on its
northern and eastern flanks. They were also responsible for Ambarkot, the fort
which fans out in an irregular ellipse, almost 2 kilometres from north to south (Fig.
3). Both Kataka and Ambarkot benefit from double circuits of massive ramparts set
at a marked angle and lined with slit holes and battlements. The two lines of walls
of Kataka employ polygonal and round bastions; the higher inner line is distin-
guished by box-like machicolations. Broad moats provide additional protection.

The Delhi gate in the northern walls of Ambarkot has an arched opening
decorated with sculpted lions in the spandrels. Of greater interest is the entrance on

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5 Khush Mahal, Warangal, early fourteenth century

the east side of Kataka which presents a sequence of arched gates and intermediate
courts. They are shielded by massive outworks with curved outlines projecting
almost 80 metres away from the main line of fortifications. A street running
westward leads to a similar gate in the walls of Balakot, its arched entrance set
between tapering circular buttresses (Fig. 4).

There is only scattered evidence for Tughlug building activities elsewhere in the
Deccan. The Khush Mahal at Warangal, previously attributed to a Qutb Shahi
governor after which it is named, has recently been identified as an audience hall
erected by the Tughlugqs when they occupied this site (Fig. 5). As the only surviving
ceremonial structure of the era, the Khush Mahal is of unusual interest. The building
consists of a long north-facing chamber with arched openings on four sides.
Transverse arches with slightly horseshoe-shaped profiles, a dinstinctive Tughluq
feature not found in later architecture, once carried a timber roof, now lost.

THE BAHMANIS

Historical continuity between the Tughlugs and the Bahmanis is reflected in both
military works and palaces. Building activity continued at Daulatabad under the

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6 Royal residence, Balakot, Daulatabad, fifteenth century

first Bahmanis. The ruined residence within Balakot is contained by high walls and
entered on the north side through an arched gate (Fig. 6). Triple chambers inside
have arched doorways opening off an internal court. Surviving details include
carved wooden beams and brackets set into the walls, sharply incised plasterwork
with geometric and arabesque motifs in bands and medallions, and perforated
windows with geometric designs in plaster-covered brickwork (see chapter 4).
These attributes were to become hallmarks of the mature Bahmani style.

Mounds of overgrown rubble are the only traces of courtly structures inside the
citadel at Gulbarga. The circular fort containing the royal enclave, however, is well
preserved thanks to later repairs by the Adil Shahis. Tapering stone walls with
round bastions define an irregularly shaped circle, more than 300 metres across
(Fig. 7). The east gate, which faces towards the city, has a pointed arched opening
flanked by towers. That at the north-west corner, leading to the royal tombs a short
distance beyond (see Fig. 38), is more imposing, being contained within curving
walls set into the ramparts. The gate leads to a bazaar street inside the fort. This
consists of two lines of small square chambers with arched doorways sheltered by
angled eaves; the chambers are roofed with pyramidal vaults. Other than the Jami
mosque (see Figs. 36 and 37), the only other feature of interest inside the Gulbarga
fort is the Bala Hisar. This solid keep, the top of which is reached by a staircase on
the north side, seems to have been intended as a vaulted audience hall, but was later
filled in. Nothing can now be seen of the probable circular walls that once protected

the city.

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

& Shah Bazaar mosque
dargah |

‘i Bala Hisar
a tombs
aa

Zi (ad Haft Gunbad
— I

Jami mosque

0 500 1000 m

Gulbarga

7 Plan of fort and city, Gulbarga, fourteenth and fifteenth centuries

That Bahmani forts were not confined to circular configurations is clear at
Firuzabad, 30 kilometres south of Gulbarga (Fig. 8). Intended as a military
encampmentas well as a pleasure resort, Firuzabad is laid out as an irregular square,
almost 1,000 metres across, defined by massive walls on three sides and by the
Bhima river on the west. Gateways on the east and west have arched entrances
framed by polygonal bastions and shielded by barbican enclosures. Passageways are
roofed with pointed vaults articulated with shallow ribs. The walled palace area
overlooking the river is entered from the east through a ceremonial portal with
traces of animal motifs in moulded plaster set in the spandrels. The interior consists
of a confused mass of dilapidated structures and fallen stone blocks. Double-
storeyed chambers with arcaded side walls, now missing their wooden floors and
roofs, may have accommodated the various queens and their retinues. A similar but
larger double-storeyed structure facing north into a rectangular court outside the
royal zone served as a public audience hall (Fig. 9). Its floors and roof have long ago
disappeared, exposing the sequence of transverse arches.

Hammams at Firuzabad are the earliest in the Deccan. The bath within the
palace area has a dome surrounded by low pyramidal vaults. Chambers used for
disrobing and bathing still preserve their original plasterwork. This hammam was

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FORTS AND PALACES

Ywuopg@wy,

Firuzabad

8 Plan of palace city, Firuzabad, founded 1400

probably intended for members of Firuz’s private household, in contrast to the
more decayed bath of similar design a short distance east of the royal area,
designated for public use. Two lines of small vaulted chambers defining a bazaar
street, as in the Gulbarga fort, are seen outside the city walls near to the river.

An idea of the civic architecture sponsored by the governors of the early
Bahmanis is seen at Sagar, now a remote town 80 kilometres south of Gulbarga.
Though the earthen walls that surrounded this settlement have vanished, an
imposing gateway bearing an inscription of 1407 still stands. The entrances with
angled arches are surrounded by bands of plaster decoration. Low pyramidal vaults
rise from the corners of the roof.

Bidar, the later Bahmani capital established by Ahmad I, is laid out as two
separate zones (Fig. 10). The irregular circular fort containing the royal enclave is
located to the north, on rising sandstone bluffs. To the south is the partly
quadrangular city, with two main streets crossing at right angles. The intersection is

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9 Audience hall, Firuzabad

marked by a circular tower, the Chaubara. An idea of the grand scale of this plan
may be had from the length of the north-south axial street which runs for about
1,500 metres. Finely finished sandstone walls enclosing both fort and city are
strengthened by polygonal bastions with bold crenellations and box-like machicola-
tions on triple brackets. An additional line of walls on the south side of the fort is
shielded by a moat with rock-cut trenches. A sequence of three gates at the
south-eastern corner leads from the city to the fort. The intermediate Sharza gate,
dated 1504, has polygonal balconies projecting from the sides with a band of
coloured tiles running across the high parapet (Fig. 11). The Gumbad gate, reached
only after passing across the moat, has double arches with pointed contours
surmounted by a flattish dome.

The ensemble of courtly monuments within Bidar’s fort, though now incom-
plete, gives the best possible idea of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century planning.
Unlike the strongly Tughlug character of early Bahmani military and courtly
architecture, the palaces and religious buildings of the later Bahmanis display the
impact of Iranian traditions (see also chapter 3). This is most apparent in the formal
layout of the Bidar palace, with its axial alignments of residential apartments,

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Jami
mosque

0 500 m
Bidar

to Plan of fort and city, Bidar, fifteenth and sixteenth centuries

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uu Sharza gate, Bidar, 1504

audience halls and ceremonial gateways. The preference for steeply pointed arches
and recesses outlined in stone is another indication of foreign influence.

Separate complexes stand freely within the Bidar royal enclave or are built up
against the ramparts. The Rangin Mahal, immediately within the Gumbad gate,
overlooks a small court reached through a vaulted gate. The interior apartment
consists of a six-bay hall with ornately carved wooden columns and brackets
carrying a flat timber ceiling (see Fig. 98). The sequence of exquisitely appointed
private chambers opening to the rear is notable for its tile mosaic dadoes and
mother-of-pearl inlay decoration, a result of the remodelling of the palace under the
later Baridis (see Colour Plate 13 and Fig. 97).

The next part of the Bahmani palace at Bidar focuses on a walled garden, the Lal
Bagh, bordered on the west by the facade of the Solah Khamba mosque (see Fig.
35). A cistern with a cusped stone margin in the middle of the garden is fed by a
water channel. This runs from the Tarkash Mahal, its arcaded storeys serving as the
southern perimeter of the Lal Bagh, to the royal bath to the north. Both the Tarkash
Mahal and the adjacent Gagan Mahal consist of multi-bay vaulted halls facing onto
small internal courts.

The Diwan-i Am and Takht Mahal at Bidar are associated with the ceremonial

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12 Plan of Diwan-i Am, Bidar, fifteenth century

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13. Diwan-i Am with Takht Mahal

activities of the Bahmani court (Figs. 12 and 13). They comprise quadrangular
walled compounds entered through imposing but detached gateways. The northern
parts of the compounds serve as courts overlooked by audience halls on the south.
Finely worked stone steps run the full width of these halls, while similarly treated
elements indicate regularly spaced columns, presumably in timber and now lost.
Subsidiary side chambers have walls punctuated by arched recesses, but the poly-
chrome tiled panels are now mostly lost. The side chamber with a complicated plan
in the Takht Mahal is identified as a throne room. This is entered through a lofty
portal dominated by a pointed arched recess in the typical Timurid manner. Wall
panels and arched recesses are defined by thin strips of dark-coloured basalt.
Iranian inspiration appears also to have dictated the design of the Takht-i
Kirmani, a gate facing onto Bidar’s main north-south street (Fig. 14). This once led
to a set of apartments intended for a saint and his descendants who migrated from
Kirman, hence the name. The building is dominated by a central arched opening,
the curving sides of which are fashioned in multiple planes incorporating rows of
buds. A doorway surrounded by shallow niches is set within the arch; enlarged
medallions fill its spandrels. Similar but smaller arched openings are arranged on
two levels on either side. The fagade is topped with a bold parapet with trefoil

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14 Takht-i Kirmani, Bidar, fifteenth century

elements which runs between domical finials. (The elaborate plasterwork is dis-
cussed in chapter 4.)

A line of strongholds running between Bidar and Daulatabad reinforced the
western flank of the Bahmani dominions. Kalyana, 75 kilometres south-west of
Bidar, comprises two irregular circular forts arranged in concentric formation, the
outer ring of which is assigned to the Bahmani period. This displays standard
fifteenth-century features, such as sloping walls with massive round and polygonal
bastions topped with bold crenellations and box-like machicolations on brackets.
Sholapur, about 100 kilometres further west, is laid out as a quadrangle, about 320
by 175 metres, but here the bastions are polygonal only. The single entrance is
through a sequence of three gates at the north-east corner (Fig. 15). As at Kalyana,
the inner circuit of walls is a later addition of the Adil Shahis.

Parenda, too kilometres north-west of Sholapur, repeats this quadrangular
scheme, though on a reduced scale. The fort, which dates from the period of
Mahmud Gawan in the second half of the fifteenth century, is one of the best-
preserved specimens of Bahmani military architecture (Fig. 16). It consists of two
lines of ramparts with box-like machicolations, both topped with crenellated
parapets with loopholes. The outer lower walls have polygonal bastions, arranged in

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1s Entry gate, Sholapur, fifteenth century

pairs at the corners; the inner higher walls display contrasting round bastions. The
main gate at the north-east corner consists of a sequence of three arched entrances
with intermediate courts. The outermost entrance protrudes into the moat, where
there would have been a drawbridge. Among the dilapidated features inside the
Parenda fort are a Jami mosque, an armoury and a hammam with a single domed
chamber. A ruined structure with a raised floor level may have been a columned hall
facing north into an open court.

Strategically, one of the important citadels for the Bahmanis was Raichur, 120
kilometres due south of Gulbarga, on the edge of the territory disputed with
Vijayanagara. Originally an outpost of the Kakatiyas, Raichur was greatly enlarged
under the Bahmanis, who encased the earlier circuit of walls within an irregular
quadrangle of ramparts reinforced with round bastions. Gates set into both earlier
and later forts display typical Bahmani features such as lintel-topped openings
surmounted by flattish arched recesses and battlemented parapets. The Naurang
gate, which provides access to Raichur from the north, is provided with a spacious
court surrounded by arcades. Projecting guard rooms flanking the entrances on the
east and north are carried on brackets sculpted as squatting lions. (Granite blocks
carved with Hindu mythological figures and decorative motifs were added when
the fort was temporarily occupied by Vijayanagara.)

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16 Fort walls, Parenda, fifteenth century

Further examples of military architecture survive on the frontiers of the Bahmani
kingdom. The mountain strongholds of Purandhar and Shivneri on the eastern
fringe of the Sahyadris, more than 300 kilometres west of Bidar, were both fortified
under the Bahmanis; so too the citadels at Gavilgad and Narnala in the Satpura
range in Berar, even further away. The irregular shapes of all mountain strongholds

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are explained by the natural formations of their sites, with ramparts hugging the
edges of cliffs. Round bastions and square crenellations are generally preferred. The
fort at Narnala is entered through three elaborate gates on the south side. The
Mahakali gate, the outermost of this sequence, was erected in 1487 by Fathullah
Imad Shah shortly before his declaration of independence from Bidar. It is
decorated with carved panels of lotus designs and a parapet of trefoil-shaped
battlements. Guard rooms at either side are lit by perforated stone windows set into
projecting balconies.

THE NIZAM SHAHIS AND IMAD SHAHIS

On taking command of the northern territories of the splintered Bahmani king-
dom, the Ahmadnagar sultans improved earlier citadels such as Daulatabad and
Purandhar. However, the most elaborate Nizam Shahi project was the fort con-
structed at the new capital of Ahmadnagar. The earthen ramparts thrown up by
Ahmad Bahri in 1490 to protect his palace were replaced by stone walls in 1563.
These create an almost perfect circle of walls, about 1,800 metres in diameter and 20
metres high, reinforced by twenty-two regularly placed round bastions. One
example in the north-east quadrant exhibits triple lobes, presumably for additional
strength. Rectangular openings at the tops of the walls are the original parapet
indentations, filled in at the time of the first Mughal siege of Ahmadnagar in 1596. A
moat 10 metres wide is shielded by an earthen mound that encircles it. A single
bridge on the west side leads to a large half-circular barbican containing two arched
gates.

Inside Ahmadnagar fort only a single structure survives. Ahmad’s residence
consists of a formal reception hall, some 30 metres long, roofed with a sequence of
domes, much restored in later times. More impressive are the courtly buildings on
the periphery of the city. Farah Bagh, 4 kilometres south, is the centrepiece of a
grandiose complex completed in 1583 (Figs. 17 and 18). The central building is
purely Iranian in spirit, though grander than any comparable structure in Iran,
testifying to the close links that existed with the Middle East at this time. Its layout
and symmetrical elevations, dominated by double-height portals on four sides,
anticipate by almost fifty years the Taj Mahal at Agra, though without the crowning
domes. The two-storeyed structure stands in the middle of a square pool, ap-
proached from the north by a causeway 72 metres long. The plan of the building, an
irregular octagon almost 40 metres across, conforms to a well-known Iranian
scheme. Fagades on four sides display double-height arched portals flanked by tiers
of smaller arched recesses, repeated on the angled corner faces. Both portals and
recesses have half domes plastered with multiple facets. Interior chambers with
similar vaults at both levels open on to or look down into the central chamber. This
is roofed with a lotus dome rising some 18 metres above an octagonal fountain set
into the plaster floor.

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17 Plan and section of Farah Bagh, Ahmadnagar, 1583

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18 Farah Bagh

The Hayat Behisht Bagh, 6 kilometres north of Ahmadnagar, was intended as a
pleasure resort for the Nizam Shahis. The nucleus of the complex is a two-storeyed
octagonal pavilion standing in a similarly shaped pond. Pointed arched openings
are flanked by smaller openings bridging the corners. The central chamber is
surrounded by an arcade and overlooked by windows from the upper level. A
monumental portal south of the pond incorporates a small hammam with two
chambers roofed with perforated vaults; adjoining rooms have cisterns for hot and
cold water. Flat brick vaults survive although they have been robbed of their
timbers. About 500 metres further south is an underground water palace with an
unusual badgir, or wind tower, the only example known in the Deccan. This
typically Iranian feature consists of a chimney-like tower with angled vents at the
top. These catch the breeze that cools the subterranean domed chambers arranged
around a rectangular pond. Earthenware pipes set into mortar indicate the extensive
water system with which the palace, and indeed the whole city, was provided in

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Nizam Shahi times. This scheme utilises channels that conduct water from dams
and springs in the surrounding hills. Masonry ventilation towers regulate the
pressure so that the water flows freely.

A comparable programme of water works is still in operation at Aurangabad.
This city, 15 kilometres south of Daulatabad, was founded in 1610 by Malik Ambar
under the name of Khirki. It is supplied by water transported from distant springs
and wells by means of an extensive network of aqueducts, channels and pipes. Some
of the channels are more than 4 kilometres long and are partly cut into the rock and
roofed with masonry, a technique of water management imported from Iran to the
Deccan. As at Ahmadnagar, water is regulated by ventilation towers. Panchakki, the
water mill that stands beside the Kham river on the western flank of Aurangabad,
has a tower of this type. Water falling from an elevated cistern drives a large wheel
for grinding grain. Among the surviving examples of Malik Ambar’s building
activity at Aurangabad is the Bhadkal gate of 1616. This free-standing structure
displays tiers of shallow arched recesses with medallion-on-bracket motifs in the
spandrels. The interior passageway is roofed by a dome supported on eight
intersecting arches.

Daulatabad served as the governmental seat of the Nizam Shahis after Ahmad-
nagar was temporarily lost to the Mughals in 1601 and several structures here may
be assigned to this period. Among the crumbling palace buildings within Balakot
stands the Chini Mahal, so called because of the traces of blue and white tiles set
into its facade (Fig. 19). The pavilion presents superimposed arched openings
between tapering buttresses divided into shallow niches. The eaves and gallery
running along the top of the facade have mostly fallen. The interior comprises a
double-height hall roofed with transverse arches and flanked on one side by arcaded
chambers at two levels.

Only fragmentary indications are available of Imad Shahi military and courtly
architecture. Achalpur, previously known as Ellichpur, is almost devoid of monu-
ments assigned to this epoch. One surviving city gate has a lobed profile framing the
arched entrance; surrounding panels show arched recesses and carved medallions.
Of greater interest is Hauz Katora, 3 kilometres west of Achalpur. The centrepiece
of this ruined palace is a three-storeyed octagonal tower standing in the middle of a
circular pond. This has arched openings on all sides, with two superimposed domed
chambers within. Achalpur was never adequately defended; in times of warfare the
Imad Shahis retreated to the nearby forts of Gavilgad and Narnala, both Bahmani
foundations.

THE ADIL SHAHIS

It was only after Yusuf Adil Khan declared himself independent that Bijapur
assumed any importance. The rings of fortifications begun by Yusuf and completed
by Ali I in about 1565 define two concentric zones, with the citadel in the middle,

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19 Chini Mahal, Daulatabad, sixteenth century

some 400 metres in circumference, contained within the city (Fig. 20). The greater
east-west axis of this configuration stretches to over 3 kilometres. This preference
for circular layouts was maintained in later times when Ibrahim II gave orders for
the twin city of Nauraspur to be laid out at a site 3 kilometres to the west. The
ramparts, begun in 1599 but never completed, define a ring of even greater
dimensions than those of Bijapur (Fig. 21). Fortifications at both cities display
sloping walls reaching to a height of about 10 metres, with round bastions,

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me,

Gol Gumbad

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Ibrahim
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Jami mosque
& Nah
0 500 1000 m

20 Plan of citadel and city, Bijapur, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries

numbering ninety-six in the outer ring at Bijapur, topped with crenellations and
interspersed with machicolations. Gates with lofty arched entrances are set between
massive bastions and approached across bridges spanning ditches, now mostly filled
in. The Shahpur gate in the north-west quadrant of Bijapur is bridged by a lintel
carried on corbelled brackets and topped with a bold parapet of curved elements.
Analogous military works were undertaken by the Adil Shahis at other locations
within their domains. They include the fort at Panhala, occupying an outlying spur
of the Sahyadris, some 200 kilometres west of the capital. The ramparts of this
stronghold define an approximately triangular zone that exploits the natural steep-
ness of the rocky bluffs. A double gate with an arcaded court in between marks the
principal entrance to the fort from the west side. The outer gate is surmounted by a
chamber with arched windows overhung by ornate eaves (Fig. 22). The inner gate is
entered from the court through a highly decorated doorway. This is bridged by a
lintel set into an arched recess defined by both cusped and curving profiles. Finely
etched relief patterns decorate the jambs and lintel (see chapter 4). (The plaster
composition of Ganesha between lions set into the arch above is a later addition of
the Marathas when they occupied Panhala.) Among the other Adil Shahi construc-

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21 City walls, Bijapur, begun 1599

tions surviving at Panhala is the Sajji Koti, a small viewing pavilion on the east side
of the fort. The upper chambers, with domes carried on faceted pendentives, have
balconies projecting out over the ramparts. More impressive is the trio of granaries
within the Bala Qila area. The largest example has sixteen bays, each roofed with a
flattish vault with a square hole, separated by a single line of columns that runs the
full length of the building. Steps within the walls ascend to roof level. The entrance
at the east end of the granary is topped with a balconied domed chamber decorated
with plaster vaulting in the finest Bijapur manner.

The Adil Shahi additions to the Bahmani fort at Sholapur have already been
mentioned. Some 45 kilometres east of Sholapur is Naldurg, an Adil Shahi
foundation. This occupies a basaltic bluff rising dramatically some 60 metres above
a horseshoe-shaped bend in the Bori river. Angled walls with slit holes present a line
of massive rounded bastions with guard rooms on top. Two bastions on the western
flank take variant square and multi-lobed forms. A lookout at the northern
extremity of the fort is built as an isolated circular bastion more than 30 metres in
diameter; its summit is reached by a long flight of steps. The adjacent granary has
rounded vaults which roof two long chambers. The fort is connected to a smaller
outwork by a wall thrown across the river. This creates a dam to supply the Adil
Shahi garrison with drinking water.

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22 West gate, Panhala, mid-sixteenth century

Like the Nizam Shahis, the Adil Shahis were familiar with Middle Eastern
systems of water management. A major channel flowing from Nauraspur to
Bijapur, joined by others from nearby dams, fed the moat that runs around the
citadel as well as a series of tanks and ponds. Water was conducted through partly
rock-cut and vaulted aqueducts where it was regulated by regularly spaced ventila-
tion towers. Water storage occasionally took on a monumental expression. The Taj
Bauriand Chand Bauri, located just inside the Mecca and Shahpur gates respective-
ly, consist of large square reservoirs overlooked by arcades. Flights of steps descend-
ing to the water in both examples are bridged by broad arches. The arch of Taj
Bauri is buttressed by minaret-like towers capped with domical finials. The 750-
metre-long dam at Shahpur, midway between Bijapur and Nauraspur, has a central
sluice gate designed as an imposing portal with double-storeyed arcades.

The core of the palace complex within the Bijapur citadel is a spacious quad-
rangle surrounded by arcades, occupied today as in the past by administrative
offices and judicial courts. The Chini Mahal to the south takes its name from the
glazed tiles that were discovered in the vicinity. Its ceremonial hall 40 metres long is
flanked by suites of rooms. The Sat Manzil at the north-west corner of the
quadrangle preserves only four of its original seven arcaded storeys. That this was a

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23 Gagan Mahal, Bijapur, mid-sixteenth century

pleasure pavilion is suggested by water basins and traces of murals (see chapter 4).
Immediately north is the Jal Mandir, a diminutive but exquisitely detailed pavilion
standing in the middle of a small pond. Its ornate brackets, eaves, parapet, finials
and dome recall the more elaborate religious structures of the era. The Gagan
Mahal, a short distance further north, is an imposing audience hall of the period of
Ali I (Fig. 23). It presents a lofty central arch flanked by two smaller arches facing an
open area intended for public assemblies. The Anand Mahal to the east and a
ruinous structure at Nauraspur are of the same type, with characteristic triple-
arched facades. Elephant stables and granaries are among the many decaying
structures to be seen within the citadel.

Far the best-preserved Adil Shahi palace at Bijapur is the Asar Mahal east of the
citadel walls. This is connected with the innermost zone by a bridge, only portions
of which survive. Originally used as a hall of justice known as the Dad Mahal, the
building was converted in 1646 into a sacred reliquary to house two hairs of the
Prophet, thereby ensuring its preservation through the centuries. Its eastern front
consists of a double-height portico with octagonal timber columns carrying a
wooden panelled ceiling, probably all replacements. Chambers to the rear are
arranged around halls on two levels. Portions of the murals with which the interior
was furnished are preserved (see Colour Plate 12); so too the elaborate inlaid doors

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and screens (represented in Fig. 133). The Jahaz Mahal, a decaying structure
standing a short distance to the north, consists of arcaded chambers on two levels.

No account of Bijapur’s palace architecture would be complete without reference
to Kummatgi, a pleasure resort 16 kilometres east of the capital, where an ensemble
of pavilions, tanks and cisterns overlooks a large lake. The focus of the complex is a
double-storeyed tower with decorated vaults standing in the middle of a square
pond crossed by a small bridge. Water was raised to a storage cistern on the roof
from where it flowed downward through pipes set in the walls. Protruding spouts
may have been for cooling sprays and sprinklers set into ceilings. A long low
pavilion facing the tower is roofed with vaults carried on faceted pendentives
covered with murals (see chapter 4).

THE QUTB SHAHIS

On assuming the eastern dominions of the former Bahmani kingdom, the Qutb
Shahis came into conflict with the Reddi chiefs who occupied a string of forested
hills about 250 kilometres south-east of Golconda. The principal Reddi strongholds
at Kondapalle, Kondavidu, Vinukonda and Udayagiri were eventually secured by
the Qutb Shahis, but the repairs that they made here are of little architectural
interest. The same is true at Warangal, 140 kilometres north-east of Golconda,
where the Qutb Shahis merely added crenellated parapets and curving barbican
walls.

The Qutb Shahis made more substantial contributions to the forts at Koilkonda,
Medak and Bhongir. The defensive gates erected in 1550 by Ibrahim I at Koilkonda,
for instance, show arched openings with angled profiles and bold parapets. Remains
of courtly buildings, magazines and granaries are scattered around all of these sites.
Gandikota, a Qutb Shahi citadel overlooking the gorge of the Pennar river some
300 kilometres south of Golconda, preserves its massive ramparts with both square
and round bastions topped with plaster-coated battlements pierced by slit holes.
The main gate on the east has an austere arched entrance surrounded by a parapet
enlivened by short finials. An unusual courtly pavilion stands within the fort. Its
triple storeys are marked by horizontal cornices with arched openings in the middle
of each side.

Undoubtedly the greatest achievement of the Qutb Shahis was their stronghold
at Golconda, expanded under successive rulers, particularly Ibrahim I in the second
half of the sixteenth century (Fig. 24). The formal layout of the city and its fortified
palace can still be appreciated even though many of the buildings are now in ruins.
The impact of Iranian urban traditions is best seen in the axial alignments of
defensive gates, commercial streets, ceremonial portals and audience halls. These
elements are distributed within a double series of concentric walls that ring a great
rock, the Bala Hisar, rising 140 metres above the plain. The outer fort containing
the city is delimited by broad ramparts creating an irregular circle of almost 5

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Naya Qila

0 500 1000 m
Golconda

24 Plan of fort and city, Golconda, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries

kilometres. Round bastions reinforce tapering walls capped with lines of crenella-
tions rising to an average height of 18 metres. The broad ditch on the outside is now
mostly dry. The approximately quadrangular Naya Qila extension on the north-
east, an addition of 1724, has a massive nine-cusped bastion jutting out of the
defensive wall.

The Fateh gate on the east, through which the conquering Mughal army entered
Golconda, is shielded by massive curving outworks commanded by projecting
guard chambers carried on sculpted brackets. Similar chambers surmount the two
entrances of the gate itself. The inner entrance retains its wooden doors with iron

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cladding in geometric designs. Among the other entrances with similar defensive
arrangements are the Moti gate in the north-east quadrant, the Mecca gate to the
south-west and the Banjara gate to the north-west, the last leading to the royal
necropolis (see chapter 3).

A bazaar street 300 metres long connects the Fateh gate with the second ring of
fortifications that contains the Bala Hisar, or inner fort. Arcaded chambers lining
the street, still used as shops and residences, served as the principal market of
Golconda. Here stands the khazana, or royal treasury, its central court entered
through an arched gate. The western extremity of the street is flanked by a pair of
ceremonial portals, each with a dome carried on two walls and two open arches.
Elaborately decorated plasterwork in the spandrels shows fantastic animals and
birds, and also winged figures in pleated costumes. Immediately north of these
portals stands the Jami mosque (see chapter 3). Among the dilapidated buildings in
the vicinity is the Nau Mahal complex. This includes a long granary structure with
sixteen bays, each roofed with a perforated flattish dome, exactly as at Panhala.

The Bala Hisar gate, the principal entrance to Golconda fort, is concealed by a
detached barbican wall (Fig. 25). The entrance has a pointed arch enlivened with
triple rows of foliate motifs; yalis and ornate medallions fill the spandrels. The
composition is topped with three projecting guard chambers supported on curved
brackets. The gate leads directly to a portico roofed with a flattish dome. The royal
hammam immediately to the north comprises a complex of interconnecting
chambers roofed with flattish domes. Gardens with axial waterways were once
situated nearby. A road flanked by vaulted barracks, stores and other service
structures proceeds west towards the stepped path that ascends to the summit of
Bala Hisar. The Qutb Shahi palace to the south is now a labyrinth of fallen walls
and vaults (Fig. 26). Even so, it is possible to make out a north-south linear
sequence of vaulted chambers and high-walled enclosures that provides a transition
from public to private zones.

The triple arcades of the Shilkhana, or armoury, dominate the first and outer-
most enclosure of the Golconda palace. The second enclosure is overlooked from
the west by the Taramati mosque (see chapter 3). The Dad Mahal faces onto the
eastern half of the enclosure. This comprises a nine-domed hall flanked by residen-
tial quarters with small chambers at either side. An arcade leads by way of a lofty
audience hall, with transverse arches supporting heavy vaults and domes, to the
third enclosure where the private zone of the palace begins. The paved court here
has a twelve-sided pool in the middle and a part-octagonal chamber at the
north-west corner. Residential apartments open to the east and west. On the south
is the Rani Mahal; its raised terrace with wooden columns, now lost, leads into a
triple-vaulted hall. Steps to the south descend to another hall, possibly for courtly
assemblies, the vaults of which have collapsed leaving only the supporting piers.
Beyond, at the lowest level, is the Shahi Mahal, the fourth and innermost enclosure.
This consists of a small pavilion standing in the middle of a private garden. This

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-
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Sad

25 Bala Hisar gate, Golconda, sixteenth century

partly fallen structure has portals on four sides raised on a vaulted substructure.
Additional residential apartments, now almost totally ruined, are situated to the
east. A short distance to the west is a small mosque hidden from view by high walls,

probably intended for the female members of the Qutb Shahi court.

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26 Palace zone, Golconda, sixteenth century

Steps ascending to the summit of Bala Hisar pass through walls built of massive
granite blocks set into natural boulders. The path is dotted with stores and
granaries, and also a six-domed treasury with an inscription of 1624. Tanks and
channels form part of a complicated system by which water was raised by wheels to
the uppermost level of the citadel. The darbar hall occupies the highest point of the
Bala Hisar. The lower level of the hall is divided into vaulted bays. A chamber with
triple openings set into the rear walls was reserved for the sultan. The rooftop
pavilion offers uninterrupted views of the palace below, as well as of the entire city
and its surroundings.

As has already been noted in chapter 1, it was Muhammad Quli who took the
decision to move the Qutb Shahi capital to a new site on the south bank of the Musi
river, 8 kilometres east of Golconda. The plan of Hyderabad, which dates from
1591, shows even more obvious Persian influence than that of Golconda, judging
from the symmetrical layout of bazaar streets, arched portals, open squares, gardens
and fountains. Not unlike the Safavid capital of Isfahan, Hyderabad is dominated
by two commercial thoroughfares intersecting at right angles. The crossing is
marked by the Char Minar, the largest and most original architectural conception
of the Qutb Shahis, and indeed of any of the Deccani sultans (Fig. 27). This
splendid ceremonial structure, which continues to dominate the city, presents a
quartet of imposing arched portals, each spanning more than 11 metres across.

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27. Char Minar, Hyderabad, 1591

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Arcaded storeys and geometric screens are positioned above. The four corner
minarets, after which the monument is named, rise to an impressive height of 56
metres, including their domical finials. Spiral staircases within their shafts, opening
onto triple tiers of balconies, ascend to the upper levels. These were used as a
madrasa and a mosque from where public proclamations were read out. The rear
wall of the mosque is indicated by blank niches framed by petalled ornament.

Hyderabad’s formal layout extends north of the Char Minar.The four arched
portals of the Char Kaman, erected in 1594, originally defined a great open square in
front of the Qutb Shahi palace. This concept of formal space owes much to
Timurid inspiration, as is indicated by the close resemblance of the Char Kaman to
the Registan in Samarqand. The west arch at Hyderabad led directly to the parade
grounds where Muhammad Quli reviewed his troops. Drummers were accom-
modated in an elevated chamber on the east arch. A portion of the octagonal
cistern, the Gulzar Hauz, in the middle of the square is still to be seen, even though
much of the square is now filled in with buildings. The complex also includes the
Jami mosque (see chapter 3) at the south-east corner.

Immediately south of the Char Minar is the Mecca mosque, the largest in
Hyderabad (see chapter 3), next to which is the rambling Chaumahalla palace
associated with the later Asaf Jahis.

THE MUGHALS

Though the Mughals made only a limited contribution to military and palace
architecture in the Deccan, they were responsible for introducing a fully developed
style that was entirely new to the region. Typical features of Mughal courtly
pavilions and fortified gates are broad arches with well-defined lobes, domes
and vaults with intricately faceted decoration, open roof-top pavilions known as
chhatris and bangla roofs with characteristic curving cornices and ridges.

In 1601 the Mughals occupied Burhanpur on the northern fringe of the Deccan.
The city became the residence of Abd al-Rahim, the Khan-i Khanan, governor of
Khandesh in the last years of Akbar and throughout much of the reign of Jahangir.
He seems to have been active in furnishing Burhanpur with an adequate water
supply. As in earlier Sultanate cities, the new hydraulic system employed subter-
ranean channels to conduct water from the surrounding hills. The Khan-i Khanan
was also responsible for laying out a series of gardens with large ponds. Though the
locations of these gardens on the outskirts of the city have been identified, their
precise layouts are unclear. Other civic works undertaken by the Khan-i Khanan at
Burhanpur include a hammam dating from 1608. Only a portion of its complicated
plan, with variously shaped halls opening off a central octagonal chamber, can now
be made out. The building is remarkable for the plasterwork of its Iranian-style
faceted vaults (see Fig. 80). This obviously Middle Eastern characteristic is ex-
plained by the architect who is known to have come from Khurasan.

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

Further evidence of Mughal building activities in the Deccan is to be seen at
Daulatabad. The citadel fell to the Mughals in 1633, thereafter serving as their
principal headquarters until the move to Aurangabad. Shah Jahan’s palace, which
survives only in an overgrown and dilapidated condition, is situated beneath the
northern flank of Balakot. The complex focuses on two large courts. The inner
court is conceived as a four-square garden with raised walkways surrounded by
pavilions with cusped arcades. The apartment on the west has three interconnecting
octagonal chambers roofed with flat vaults; arcaded verandahs at the rear overlook
the rock-cut trench that surrounds the rock. Two brick-built hammams, both with
perforated domes, form part of the complex. Another Mughal courtly structure at
Daulatabad is the pavilion just beneath the summit of Balakot. Its part-octagonal
balcony surveys the whole site. The hammam outside the fortified eastern entrance
to Kataka has square and octagonal chambers roofed with flattish domes on faceted
pendentives. Smaller cells in the corners are provided with baths.

In 1653 Aurangzeb chose Aurangabad as the base for his Deccan campaigns. The
Qila Arak, his imperial residence, was laid out three years later on an eminence in
the northern part of the city. The walled zone is entered on the south through the
Naubat gate, aligned with the earlier Jami mosque (see chapter 3). Aurangzeb’s
private pavilion (now incorporated into a Government School of Art) has a central
chamber roofed with a bangla vault flanked by small pyramidal vaults. The
building stands in the middle of a terraced garden with formal ponds and fountains.
Among the other Mughal residences at Aurangabad is the Sunahri Mahal in the
Begampuri district, north of the city walls. This is the work of a Rajput officer who
accompanied Aurangzeb into the Deccan. Arched openings in its double-storeyed
facade, now stripped of all decorative features, face east onto a spacious walled
compound. Little is left of the golden tinted murals which give their name to the
building.

It was only after the Maratha raid on Aurangabad in 1668 that Khan Jahan
Bahadur, governor at the time, decided to erect stone walls around the city. The
fortifications, 4.5 metres high with crenellated parapets and slit holes, are reinforced
with round bastions, some with towers. Gates on four sides display imposing
arched openings surmounted by prominent battlements. Entrances are flanked by
polygonal bastions topped with domed chhatris in the mature Mughal style.
Similar but smaller gateways were erected by Aurangzeb at nearby Khuldabad.

Among the projects executed by Aurangzeb’s generals at the lesser centres is the
Farah Bagh south-east of the fort at Bidar. This dilapidated pleasure garden dating
from 1672 extends up to a spring at the the foot of a wooded hill. It consists of three
terraces provided with cisterns and cascades.

Mughal architecture in the Deccan by no means came to an end with Aurangzeb.
An idea of later activity may be had from the fortifications at Ajanta, a small
settlement some 100 kilometres north-east of Aurangabad, a short distance from the
celebrated Buddhist caves. In 1730 Nizam al-Mulk added a square of crenellated

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FORTS AND PALACES

walls reinforced by polygonal bastions. The south gate is approached by crossing an
arched bridge. The octagonal sarai outside the north gate belongs to the same
period. Other works undertaken by Nizam al-Mulk include the ramparts of
Burhanpur constructed in 1728. The finely finished walls overlooking the Tapti are
strengthened by prominent round bastions topped with a line of battlements.
Gateways display broad arches flanked by towers capped with bangla pavilions. The
towers on one example are enlivened with projecting niches containing cusped
arches; angled tiled roofs in shallow relief are seen above. The Ahukhana on the
other side of the Tapti near Burhanpur may also date from Nizam al-Mulk’s era.
This walled complex, now devoid of its original gardens and ponds, is dominated
by a central square pavilion built according to the Iranian baradari scheme, with
triple-arched openings in the middle of four sides. Another structure within the
complex combines double bangla vaults with pairs of fluted domes. The corners are
emphasised by finials that recall the minarets of mosques dating from the earlier
Farudi era (see chapter 3).

SHIVAJI

Under the Marathas the art of warfare was developed into sophisticated science.
The Ajnapatra, a textbook on martial tactics and fort building credited to Shivaji’s
son, Sambhaji, incorporates a body of knowledge that had accumulated during the
brief but brilliant career of Shivaji. The military successes of this figure and his
descendants against the much larger but more cumbersome Mughal forces owed
much to their imaginative exploitation of the rugged mountainous terrain on the
western fringe of the Deccan plateau. Shivaji captured a number of citadels
established in earlier times and refurbished them for his own use; he also created
several new strongholds. In these tasks he was much aided by his commander
Moropanth Pingle. The result was an impregnable line of hill forts running for
almost 250 kilometres along the outer ridges of the Sahyadri ranges.

Rajgad was Shivaji’s first seat of government, serving as his principal head-
quarters from 1646 to 1672. The citadel occupies a triple-pronged hill, rising 1,317
metres above sea level, with sheer drops on all sides (Fig. 28). Moropanth Pringle
built the fortifications that cling to the cliffs, following the edges in continuous
undulations. The walls are doubled, with trenches in between, and this provided
additional security at the far ends of the three long spurs that fan outwards from the
middle of the fort. Round bastions occur irregularly, some with internal staircases
descending to outworks at their bases. An arched gate on the north gives access to
the northern spur, where the remains of columned halls, stores and granaries can
still be made out. The Bala Qila occupies the triangular rise in the middle of the
fort. It is entered on the east side through a pointed arch surrounded by decorated
panels and flanked by polygonal bastions. The level top is occupied by rock-cut
cisterns and the overgrown ruins of Shivaji’s residence. All that can now be seen of

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28 Fortifications, Rajgad, seventeenth century

the walled palace is a sequence of rectangular structures, each with a verandah
leading to a long chamber.

Pratapgad, 30 kilometres south of Rajgad, guards an important pass descending
to the Konkan. This hill, fortified in 1656, was the scene of Shivaji’s treacherous
encounter with Afzal Khan, commander of the Bijapur army. Like Rajgad, the
ramparts at Pratapgad follow the curving lines of the escarpment, creating lower
and upper forts. Bastions and towers are mostly rounded.

Some 45 kilometres north-west of Pratapgad is Raigad, Shivaji’s capital from
1672 onwards and the site of his coronation two years later. Continuous walls are
not required because of the sheer escarpments with which the hill is ringed. The
fortifications were added by Shivaji after he occupied the site in 1656. Massive cubic
blocks of basalt laid without any mortar are reinforced by round bastions. Walls
between closely spaced bastions both shield the jagged north-western promontory
of the hill and protect the entrance on the eastern flank. This gate is concealed by
extended bastions that curve outwards, a characteristic of Shivaji’s fortification.
Sculpted lotus medallions and lions grasping diminutive elephants fill the spandrels
of the arch above the entrance.

Architectural features of unusual interest extend over the comparatively level top
of Raigad fort. The Bala Qila to the south served as Shivaji’s residential and

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| = 5 a fH = — al

| |
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0 50m

29 Plan of Bala Qila, Raigad, seventeenth century

ceremonial headquarters (Fig. 29). The formal planning of this walled complex is
still apparent, even though the wooden and brick portions of the various structures
have vanished. Access to the Bala Qila from the north is announced by a pair of
twelve-sided towers with multiple tiers of arched openings free-standing outside the
walls (Fig. 30). An arched gate leads to a long flight of steps which ascends to a
walled passageway. Doorways in the west wall lead to six walled compounds with
associated storage areas, identified as residences of the female members of Shivaji’s
court. Officers were accommodated in a zone at a lower level to the east of the
passageway. There are five discrete suites, each with a rectangular chamber standing
in the middle of a square walled compound.

The enclosure at a higher level east of the passageway constitutes the ceremonial
core of the Bala Qila at Raigad. Stone foundations of columned halls are aligned on

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GELS 5

30 Towers of Bala Qila, Raigad

an east—west axis, with colonnades running along the peripheral walls. The plat-
form in the middle once supported Shivaji’s throne, the remains of which are still
held in honour. (The cast-iron pavilion that shelters the throne is modern.) Side
buildings functioned as granaries and treasuries. The throne faces east onto a square
court with a fountain in the middle. The house of justice is located on the south.
The gate in the middle of the east side of the court serves as an imposing entrance to
the whole complex. Its lofty arched opening has sculpted panels in the spandrels
showing lions crushing elephants. The interior passageway is roofed with a cor-
belled vault. Nothing survives of the upper gallery. A path leads from this gate to a
broad bazaar with two lines of twenty-two shops, each a suite of three small
chambers. These face each other across a north-south street some 12 metres broad.
The octagonal plinth which served as Shivaji’s cremation site lies beyond the
Jagadishvara temple to the north-east (see Fig. 186).

An important factor in Shivaji’s strategy of expansion was to control the Arabian
Sea trade by developing stategic ports and equipping them with fleets of ships. In
1665 Shivaji chose an island offshore from Malvan, some 240 kilometres south of
Raigad, as his coastal headquarters. Three years were required to complete the walls
of Sindhudurg, the name which Shivaji gave to the new fort. Even Portuguese
experts are reputed to have been employed in the works. The fortifications, which
follow the irregular indentations of the island, are 4 metres thick and up to 10

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31 Vijayadurg, seventeenth century

metres high, though now partly damaged by the sea. Both slit holes and rectangular
openings for cannon are seen at the top. More than fifty round bastions are carried
up as free-standing towers with prominent openings. The single entrance to the
fortified island at the north-east corner is protected by curving outworks similar to
those already noticed at Raigad. The doorway is bridged by a lintel set within an
arched recess; the interior of the gate is roofed by vaults and a single dome.

In 1669 Shivaji took over the Adil Shahi settlement at Vijayadurg, 65 kilometres
north of Sindhudurg, finest of all deep-water harbours on the Maharashtra coast.
Vijayadurg assumed a crucial significance in Shivaji’s naval attacks on the Sidis of
Janjira. The fort, which occupies a rocky promontory forming the west side of a bay
at the mouth of Vaghotan creek, is joined to the mainland on the south by a narrow
neck of land. The promontory is reinforced by two irregular concentric circles of
massive walls, with a third line of walls being added for additional protection on the
landward side (Fig. 31). The walls are of massive construction, with large round
bastions, most of which have withstood the eroding effects of the ocean. The inner
circuit of walls, complete with twenty towers, rises to a height of 36 metres. Broad
walkways on the top provide access to rectangular or semi-circular headed openings
and to angled slit holes for cannon. The main entrance to the fort is approached
through curving outworks typical of Shivaji’s period. These are reached only after
passing across a moat that cuts through the neck of land. Direct access from the
ocean is possible from a nearby landing. A stepped path running between two
curving lines of walls leads to the inner gate of the fort. Decaying structures of

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A a

32 Ramparts, Janjira, 1707

various periods stand inside. They include a vaulted magazine entered through a
multi-lobed doorway and a barrel-vaulted granary divided into four chambers. The
largest feature is a two-storeyed structure with rectangular windows, possibly a
barracks block, now missing its timber floor and roof.

Suvarnadurg, about 125 kilometres north of Vijayadurg, is another of Shivaji’s
maritime forts, later serving as a naval station of the Angres. Like Sindhudurg,
Suvarnadurg is completely contained by walls running around the irregular shore of
the island. Residences and magazines inside the fort are now much ruined.

THE SIDIS AND ANGRES

After the fall of the Bijapur kingdom the Sidis ruled independently from their
island home of Janjira. The architecture of this marine stronghold, the finest on the
Arabian Sea coast, is roughly contemporary with the forts of Shivaji’s period. The
massive walls that follow the irregular outlines of Janjira island, rising 15 metres
vertically out of the sea, were begun in 1694 and completed in 1707 by Sirul Khan
(Fig. 32). They show battlements with angled tops alternating with arched openings
for cannon. Round bastions punctuate the walls at more or less regular intervals.
Lead is used in the joints between the basalt blocks to counter the corrosive effects
of the sea water.

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FORTS AND PALACES

Janjira fort is entered through a single gate on the north side. Its arched opening
is surmounted by a frieze of battlements flanked by sculpted lions; the guard room
above has a balcony carried on lotus brackets. Steps ascend to a domed chamber,
the side walls of which have carved panels showing lions grasping diminutive
elephants. Crumbling buildings within the fort are distributed around two large
tanks, one elliptical, the other circular, partly excavated out of the rock. They
include a small mosque as well as residences, stores and magazines. The ensemble is
dominated by the four-storeyed audience hall, the facade of which has prominent
cornices that run across shallow square corner towers. Doorways in the middle of
each side have cusped arches with lotus medallions in the spandrels; rows of arched
windows above repeat the same motifs.

The island citadel of Kolaba some 100 kilometres north of Janjira was established
in 1720 by Kanhoji Angre, the Maratha admiral and pirate. Kolaba occupies a
narrow rock in the middle of Alibag harbour, some 250 metres offshore. It consists
of a quadrangular arrangement of walls reinforced with seventeen round towers.
The main entrance at the north-east corner is shielded by an outwork reached by a
long causeway. The pointed arched opening is flanked by rounded towers. Domed
storerooms and animal stables stand inside, as well as a granary and two dilapidated
residences.

THE PESHWAS

Under Shivaji’s descendants the centre of Maratha power shifted from the hills to
the plains. Pune, situated little more than 50 kilometres directly north-east of
Rajgad, became the principal headquarters of Maratha power in 1727, during the
period of the second peshwa, Bajirao I. The Shanwar Wada which stands in the
middle of the city is a rectangular fort, some 170 by 150 metres in dimensions.
Formidable walls of mixed stone and brick construction are strengthened by
prominent round bastions at the corners and in the middle of three sides. Contrast-
ing polygonal bastions flank the north Delhi gate which overlooks an extensive
parade ground. Its arched entrance is surmounted by a gallery with wooden arcades
and a tiled roof. The palace that occupied the interior of Shanwar Wada was
destroyed by fire in 1808, leaving only the masonry foundations of columned halls
and passageways and the stone outlines of water channels and ponds of various
shapes. Many of these features are disposed symmetrically along a north-south axis.
The core of the complex consists of a sequence of three courts at ascending levels:
the first comprises a garden with four-square plots and central ponds either side of a
pathway; the second is surrounded by elevated colonnades on four sides; the third
has a large square tank in the middle. A formal pond with lotus-shaped plots for
planting on the east side of the complex is overlooked by an arcaded gallery set into
the outer walls. Smaller polygonal and elliptical ponds are situated on the west side,
in the vicinity of service structures with brick-built channels and vent holes.

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An idea of the original appearance of the Shanwar Wada may be had from the
Peshwa residence at Satara, 140 kilometres south of Pune. Virtually nothing
remains here from the period of Rajaram and Shahu, both of whom made this city
the capital of the expanding Maratha kingdom. The so-called New Palace dates
only from after 1818, thereby falling outside the scope of the present study. Even so,
its timber and brick construction with arcades surrounding a sequence of interior
courts, and its open hall for public ceremonies and enclosed hall for private
meetings, are all features that would have been present in the Shanwar Wada.

Similar but smaller residences belonging to the eighteenth century still stand in
the old city of Pune. They display multi-storeyed timber frameworks with brick
infill roofed with sloping tiles. The mansions are laid out with single or double
internal courts. The influence of Mughal design is evident in the galleries with
cusped arcades and the decorative patterns of the woodwork. Gardens with water
channels and ponds occupy the larger courts. A comparable group of mansions is
seen at Sasvad, 30 kilometres south of Pune, ancestral home of Balaji Vishvanath,
the first peshwa. Here the residences are surrounded by high walls with rounded
corners, entered through arched portals. (Temples of the same period make use of
identical walled compounds and gates; see chapter 8.) Brick buildings within have
finely worked timber columns and beams, now in a state of decay.

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CHAPTER 3

MOSQUES AND TOMBS

The large number of relatively well-preserved mosques and tombs contrasts mark-
edly with the dilapidation of the forts and palaces noted in chapter 2. Apart from
the usual array of Jami mosques and lesser places of prayer in the principal cities of
the Deccan, there is also an impressive series of tombs. Personal ambition on the
part of sultans, their ministers and commanders accounts for a funerary tradition
that often represents the finest architectural achievements of the period. Nowhere is
this better demonstrated than at Bijapur and Aurangabad where royal mausoleums
were conceived on the grandest possible scale. The direct involvement of patrons in
such projects is almost always recorded on the monuments, with the result that
religious architecture presents a relatively clear chronological pattern.

A characteristic feature of Deccan culture during these centuries is the abundance
of saintly personalities, especially members of the Chishti and Naqshbandi orders,
who gained status as spiritual advisors to the sultans and their families. The dargahs
of the most important holy figures, originally financed by royal bequests, have been
maintained through the centuries as popular places of worship and are active today.
They continue to attract large crowds of pilgrims on the occasions of the Urs
festivities celebrating the death anniversaries of the saints.

KHALJIS AND TUGHLUQS

The first mosques in the Deccan are assigned to the years following Malik Kafur’s
invasion. These hastily conceived projects rely on earlier traditions in Delhi where
large courts with domed entrance chambers led to long prayer halls divided into
regular bays by columned aisles. The use of arched portals to articulate the principal
facade of the prayer chamber at Daulatabad was doubtless inspired by the arched
screen wall erected in front of the prayer chamber of the Quwwat-al Islam mosque.
The great Qutb Minar which stands near to this Delhi monument probably also
served as the model for the Chand Minar at Daulatabad, similarly a detached
structure. Both minarets were intended as victory towers, proclaiming the triumph
of Islam in newly conquered territories.

Karimuddin’s mosque inside the Bijapur citadel is the earliest in the Deccan.
Dating from 1310, it is built entirely of robbed temple columns and beams,
reassembled to create a long flat-roofed hall. In the middle of the hall is a raised
ceiling serving as a clerestory. The Jami mosque of Kataka, the intermediate fort at
Daulatabad, was erected in 1318. Its vast rectangular court, some 80 by 60 metres,

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

33 Interior of Jami mosque, Daulatabad, 1318

the largest in this part of India, is entered on three sides through domed chambers
with unadorned sloping walls. The spacious prayer hall has a columned fagade
interrupted by four arched portals, an unusual scheme not to be repeated in later
times. Behind the facade is a columned hall with twenty-five aisles, each five bays
deep, roofed with shallow domes (Fig. 33). An enlarged dome on twelve columns
rises over the bays in front of the central mihrab in the rear wall. Though many
columns have stylised floral and figural designs carved on their shafts, they were not
all removed from dismantled temples; some were carved expressly for this building.

A short distance north of the Jami mosque stands the brick-built Chand Minar
(Fig. 34). Its 30-metre-high cylindrical shaft is divided into four stages by three
diminishing circular balconies. These are carried on brackets sculpted with pendant
lotuses. Though the base of the minar dates from Tughlug times, the central section
was added by Alauddin Hasan to commemorate his occupation of Daulatabad in
1346. Its fluted profile recalls that of the Qutb Minar. The summit of the Daulatabad

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34 Chand Minar, Daulatabad, early fourteenth century and later

minaret is marked by a bulbous dome. Its base is concealed by a structure with a
small mosque, added in 1445. The tapering cylindrical minaret of the Ek Minar
mosque at Raichur is almost certainly a Tughluq foundation. Roughly executed
open stonework balconies are carried on lotus brackets. A cornice of angled bricks
and a shallow frieze of battlements decorate the base of its domical top.

Another monument dating from this era is the Solah Khamba mosque in the fort
at Bidar (Fig. 35). Founded in 1327, it consists of a long prayer hall with nineteen
aisles, each five bays deep, roofed with flattish domes on faceted pendentives.
Instead of temple-like columns, the supports here are massive circular columns with
stylised leafy motifs at the top. The mihrab recessed into the rear wall is framed by a
cusped arch. The bays in front form a large chamber. The dome is carried on
squinches that display struts fashioned as elephant trunks. The outer arcade lacks
any original features, the parapet of pierced interlocking battlements being a later
addition. The principal dome with a characteristic flattish profile is raised on a
circular drum articulated with trefoil crenellations in relief. Whatever court would
have been laid out in front of the prayer hall was later incorporated into the Lal

Bagh (see chapter 2).

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

35 Solah Khamba mosque, Bidar, 1327

Tomb building in the Deccan was initiated by the Tughlugs on a modest scale as
can be seen in the mausoleum of the Chishti saint Hazrat Burhanuddin Gharib
erected at Khuldabad in 1344. This small cubic building has sloping walls with
corner pilasters capped with a somewhat flattish dome.

THE BAHMANIS

A dependence on Tughluq models characterises the religious architecture of the
Bahmanis in its first phase at Gulbarga. The Jami mosque within the fort at
Gulbarga is remarkable since it is without any open court (Figs. 36 and 37). This
novel feature partly recalls Tughlug practice, such as the Kirkhi mosque in Delhi in
which a central court is replaced by four smaller sub-courts, as well as contemporary
Anatolian mosques which are often entirely roofed over. The date of 1367 inscribed
on a slab set up beside the entrance to the Gulbarga monument has been ques-
tioned; it is possible that the Jami mosque as it stands today was only built towards
the end of the century, during the reign of Firuz Shah. The outer aisles on three
sides of the prayer hall present receding perspectives of low arches with angled
profiles. These carry pointed vaults on rectangular plans, ten on the north and

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MOSQUES AND TOMBS

PTO
=

0 ; 25m
36 Plan of Jami mosque, Gulbarga, 1367

south sides, seven on the east side, with domes over the corner square bays. Smaller
interior bays are roofed with shallow domes on faceted pendentives. An enlarged
chamber in front of the mihrab, occupying an area equivalent to nine bays, is roofed
with a single dome. The angled arches of the drum have trefoil interiors with
elongated lobes. The exterior of the Jami mosque has been somewhat altered: the
timber screens that once filled the arcaded openings are lost; the arched entrance
portal on the north is a later addition. The principal dome is elevated on a cubic
clerestory.

The evolution of the Bahmani style is best illustrated in the funerary monuments
of the period. The earliest examples dating from the second half of the fourteenth
century are simple buildings clearly based on Tughluq models. West of the fort at
Gulbarga is the necropolis of the tomb buildings of Alauddin Hasan Bahman Shah,

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

37 Interior of Jami mosque, Gulbarga, 1367

Muhammad I and Muhammad II (Fig. 38). These squat cubic structures have
markedly sloping walls, unrelieved except for an angled arched opening in the
middle of each side. Crenellated parapets run between fluted finials with domical
tops; the domes are smooth and flattish. One small unidentified building in this
group displays a fluted dome, a rare instance in the Deccan. The tomb that forms
the core of the dargah of Shaykh Sirajuddin Junaydi, located at a similar distance
north of the fort, conforms to the same scheme. So do the tombs of Mujahid and
Dawud I in the Haft Gunbad complex on the eastern flank of the city. These latter
examples are both double tombs, with twin domed chambers linked by narrow
corridors. The mausoleum of Zainuddin Shirazi at Khuldabad, dating from 1370,
closely resembles these Gulbarga monuments.

That this robust style was not confined to funerary architecture is visible in the
Shah Bazaar mosque north of Gulbarga fort, a project assigned to the reign of
Muhammad I. The mosque has a large court entered through a domed entrance
chamber identical to the tombs just noted. Exactly the same style of domed
entrance is found in the Jami mosque at Firuzabad dating from 1400. Both mosques
have large rectangular courts. The prayer hall of the Shah Bazaar mosque has fifteen
aisles, each with six domed bays. That at Firuzabad has collapsed, leaving only the

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MOSQUES AND TOMBS

a Eee a eS aS oe
38 Tombs of Alauddin Hasan Bahman Shah and Muhammad I, Gulbarga, 1358 and 1375
perimeter wall with arched openings and crenellated parapet. A staircase set into the
thickness of the walls once led to a raised gallery in the north-west corner of the
prayer hall, probably reserved for the use of the sultan and his retinue. An
important variation to be noted at Firuzabad is the preference for arches with
rounded rather than angled profiles.

The next phase of funerary architecture at Gulbarga is represented by the
masterpiece of the early Bahmani period, the tomb of Tajuddin Firuz in the Haft
Gunbad complex (Figs. 39 and 40). This double structure has two domes rising
more than 9 metres above the parapet of trefoil battlements. A series of innovations
announces the mature Bahmani style. The walls are no longer plain and tapering;
instead, they are almost vertical and are divided into double tiers of recesses framed
by angled arches in multiple planes. The upper recesses are filled with masonry
screens with simple geometric patterns. Similar panels appear above the doorways.
These are sheltered by angled eaves on temple-like brackets with half-pyramidal
vaults above. Bands of plaster motifs decorate both the exterior and interior of the
building (see chapter 4). Arched recesses of the same design arranged in two tiers
adorn the interiors of the chambers. At the lower level, corner arches have cusped
profiles, while those higher up are conceived as squinches with fluted outlines.

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oes

39 Tomb of Tajuddin Firuz, Gulbarga, 1422

Though twin tombs were not to be repeated in Deccan architecture, double tiers
of arched wall recesses, lines of trefoil crenellations and fully shaped domes become
essential features of the mature Bahmani style. All these attributes are present in the
mausoleum of Gesudaraz that forms the nucleus of the dargah a short distance east
of Gulbarga. The Chor Gunbad outside the city on its western flank was erected in
1420 for Gesuedaraz, but was never actually used. Miniature domed pavilions at the
corners replace the more usual finials.

The dispersal of this funerary model beyond the capital is seen at Holkonda, 30
kilometres north of Gulbarga (Fig. 41). The largest though unidentified tomb of
this group has a single entrance framed by an arched recess in triple planes. The
adjacent tombs show double tiers of arched recesses with trefoil parapets and fluted
corner finials. An imposing gate with a lofty arch in two planes serves as the
entrance to the complex.

The tomb of Khalifat al-Rahman north of Firuzabad presents unusual variations.
Its fagades are dominated by central portals with arched recesses framing doorways
or windows. The crenellated parapet and fluted finials of the portals are raised up
above those of the walls at either side. Four passageways with pointed vaults lead to
the central domed chamber; smaller domed rooms occupy the corners. The vaults,

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40 Interior of tomb of Tajuddin Firuz

which are accentuated by flattish ribs, are identical to those noted in the defensive
gateways of the nearby palace city (see chapter 2). The use of raised portals in the
middle of each side and the combination of vaulted and domed spaces surrounding
the central chamber, which is set back within the core of the building, is closer to
Iranian models than to previous Deccan architecture. Another instance of a pointed
vault with ribs occurs in the Langar-ki mosque, 2 kilometres north of Gulbarga
(Fig. 42). Here, however, the vault which roofs the prayer hall is laid out in a
transverse direction with respect to the qibla wall. A cusped arch framed by double
sets of recesses serves as the mihrab. A trio of similar arches is seen on the outer
facade.

Buildings at Bidar typify the later phase of the Bahmani style in which there is
increasing evidence of direct influence from the Turco-Iranian world. Nowhere is
this better illustrated than in the great madrasa erected by Mahmud Gawan in 1472
(Figs. 43 and 44). Modelled on a well-established Central Asian building type, this
building provides an unprecedented example of architectural transposition. Thoug-
h the madrasa was severely damaged in an explosion in 1696 the original scheme is
apparent. The great court has four imposing arched portals surmounted by domes
raised high on circular or octagonal drums. At either side of the portals are triple

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41 Tombs, Holkonda, fifteenth century

tiers of arched openings leading to teaching rooms; domed chambers at the corners
once accommodated libraries. The principal facade, facing east onto the main
north-south street of the city, was flanked by a pair of tall cylindrical minarets, of
which only one still stands. It has three stages separated by cantilevered balconies;
the summit is domed. Traces of the striking polychrome tilework with which the
madrasa was decorated survive (see Fig. 100).

Funerary monuments of the later Bahmanis are concentrated at Ashtur, 3
kilometres north-east of Bidar (Fig. 45). The impressive tomb of Ahmad I is both
the earliest and the finest of the group. Its walls are articulated by tiers of arched
recesses, seven at the top and four on each of the middle and lower registers. The
pointed contours of these arches are typical of the Persian-dominated manner of the
period. The crenellated parapet with corner finials is repeated on the sixteen-sided
drum on which the dome is raised; a pot-like finial crowns the dome. Paintings
adorn the interior (see Fig. 105).

The facade of the adjacent tomb of Alauddin Ahmad II employs five arched
recesses of unequal height arranged in symmetrical formation. The arches have
gently curved profiles outlined with stone bands. Similarly framed diagonal square
panels are placed above the outer niches. This scheme is enhanced by polychrome
tilework, the finest on any Bahmani funerary monument (see chapter 4). The later

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Soca

42 Interior of Langar-ki mosque, Gulbarga, fifteenth century

tomb of Muhammad III recalls earlier schemes in its use of triple tiers of arched
recesses; the parapet elements are enlarged but plain. There is a complete absence of
decoration. Two nearby small tombs have unusual pyramidal vaults.

A short distance west of the Ashtur cemetery is the tomb of the saint Shaykh
Khalilullah Nimatullahi, known locally as Chaukhandi (Figs. 46 and 47). This
unusual complex is entered through a large gateway with imposing pointed arches.
Inside the mausoleum is a square domed chamber surrounded by a two-storeyed
free-standing octagon. The fabric of this screen wall is reduced by arched recesses
flanked by panels that include diagonal squares, all outlined in masonry bands
carved in a variety of patterns (see Figs. 84-6). The doorways are graced by long
Koranic inscriptions dated 1450 (see Fig. 83). Another tomb on the southern
outskirts of Bidar enshrines Hazrat Shah Abul Faid, a saint who died in 1474. This
mausoleum has its walls divided into the usual triple tiers of arched recesses; the
hemispherical dome above is the largest of the period. Tile mosaic embellished the
main entrance (see Fig. ror).

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0 50m

43. Plan of madrasa of Mahmud Gawan, Bidar, 1472

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44 Madrasa of Mahmud Gawan

45 Tombs of Ahmad I (behind) and Alauddin Ahmad II (in front), Bidar, 1436 and 1458

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0 5 10m

46 Plan of tomb of Shaykh Khalilullah (Chaukhandi), Bidar, 1450

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47 Tomb of Shaykh Khalilullah

THE BARIDIS

Architectural activity under the Baridis is mostly restricted to garden tombs in and
around the capital. The most important funerary monuments stand in the royal
necropolis 2 kilometres west of Bidar. The tomb of Qasim I is a small insignificant
building in the late Bahmani style; that of Amir I, his successor, was left with two
storeys of arched recesses, but without any dome.

The mausoleum of Khan Jahan, brother of Amir I, stands on a high platform in
the middle of a square garden with regularly laid out walkways, water channels and
octagonal platforms surrounded by a perimeter wall and moat. The tomb itself is a
modest structure, with two unequal tiers of triple recesses with pointed arches
decorated with incised plasterwork. The walls are surmounted by a bold parapet of
trefoil crenellations. The so-called Barber’s tomb nearby is a small open structure
with four arches carrying a small dome. The adjacent triple-bay mosque repeats the
same pointed arches in multiple planes.

The masterpiece of the Baridi series is the mausoleum of Ali Shah, completed in
1577 (Fig. 48). The tomb consists of a lofty domed chamber, open on four sides,

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48 Tomb of Ali Barid Shah, Bidar, 1577

standing in the middle of a standard Persian chahar-bagh, or four-square garden.
Each facade has a central pointed arched opening, with double tiers of smaller
arched recesses at either side. Five horizontal bands intended for tilework are seen
above the openings. All the arches and bands are outlined in strips of dark

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49 Mosque associated with tomb of Ali Barid Shah

grey-green basalt. The parapet and base of the dome, both with ornate trefoil
parapet elements or petals, are elaborately treated; an octagonal finial marks the
summit. Bands of coloured tilework decorating the walls of the domed chamber
include elaborately painted Koranic inscriptions (see chapter 4). The dome is
carried on multi-faceted pendentives decorated with plaster scrollwork. The sar-
cophagus beneath is of polished black basalt. The garden in which the tomb is set is
entered on the south side through a gateway with broad low arches with a suite of
upper rooms above. Beyond is a small mosque with three arches in triple planes
surrounded by intricate plaster decoration (Fig. 49). A delicate pierced parapet of
interlocking battlements surmounts the angled eaves. Octagonal minarets with

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domical tops flank the facade. The interior consists of three chambers roofed with
flattish domes supported on faceted pendentives (see Fig. 78).

The tomb of Qasim II reverts to the earlier Bahmani scheme at Ashtur, with
double tiers of arched recesses flanking larger and higher recesses in the middle.
Squares set on the diagonal fill the rectangular panels over the central recesses. An
unusual complex east of Bidar, the Habshi Kot, is also associated with the Baridis.
The most important feature in this cemetery is a rectangular enclosure of arched
screens with an open domed tomb in the middle.

Other than mosques associated with funerary monuments, few new places of
worship were erected by the Baridis; an exception is the Kali mosque just south of
Bidar. The prayer hall is a modest structure with three aisles, each of two bays.
Multi-faceted piers and arches support a flat ceiling over the central rear bay and
shallow domes elsewhere. The mihrab is constructed as a part-decagon, topped
with its own small dome. Incomplete octagonal minarets rising from tapering
pedestals frame three unadorned arched openings. They are sheltered by eaves on
ornate brackets and a plain parapet. Elsewhere, the parapet presents a line of
cut-out trefoil elements. An unusual feature is the buttress-like projection contain-
ing the mihrab which is roofed by a small domed pavilion raised on open arches.

THE NIZAM SHAHIS

Most of the Nizam Shahis were not great tomb builders, as they preferred to have
their bones transported to Kerbala in Iraq in accordance with Shia practice. An
exception was Ahmad Bahri whose mausoleum of 1509 forms the centrepiece of
Bagh Rauza, the walled garden complex on the western fringe of Ahmadnagar (Fig.
50). The tomb has arched openings flanked by similarly shaped recesses on each
side. Pilaster-like jambs flank the principal doorway on the south. The facade is
ornamented with carved panels of different designs (see chapter 4). A brick frieze of
arched recesses is overhung by stone eaves carried on brackets linked by suspended
beams. Corner and intermediate finials are capped with domical tops. The interior
is lavishly decorated with a line of plaster arches, some with cusped interiors, over
which runs a band of calligraphy. The south-west corner of the compound is
occupied by a small structure with a pyramidal vault, the last resting place of
Ahmad’s prime minister. The king’s astrologer is buried in a domed building just
outside the enclave.

The Jami mosque in Ahmadnagar also dates from the reign of Ahmad Bahri. Its
prayer hall of five by three bays is roofed with shallow domes on alternating
octagonal and circular bases. Qasim Khan’s mosque, another building of this
period, presents a triple-bay facade, the central arch being wider and taller. Of
greater originality is the Mecca mosque erected in 1525 by Rumi Khan, a Turkish
artillery officer in the service of Burhan I. Its prayer hall is reached by a steep flight
of steps, built on top of a sarai. Triple arches are supported by polished granite

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50 Tomb of Ahmad Bahri Nizam Shah, Ahmadnagar, 1509

columns, reputedly imported from Mecca, hence the name of the building. The
finials have clusters of curved brackets carrying miniature eaves and fluted domical
tops. The interior is roofed with transverse vaults, both flat and pointed, running
the full width of the building.

The Kotla complex in the northern quarter of Ahmadnagar was constructed in
1537 at the orders of Burhan I as an educational institution to promote Shiism. The
central square court is surrounded by arcades with chambers for student accommo-
dation. The enclosure is approached on the east through an arched gate and a
domed sarai, now partly fallen. A large platform in the middle of the court marks
the site of an open cistern. The mosque on the west has a prayer chamber with five
aisles, three bays deep, roofed with alternating pyramidal vaults and shallow domes.
The arcaded facade is overhung by eaves carried on brackets and angled struts that
imitate carved woodwork.

The next group of monuments at Ahmadnagar is assigned to the reigns of
Husain I and Murtaza I. The tomb of the nobleman Sharza Khan, popularly known
as Do Boti Chira, is an unusual small structure dating from 1562. It consists of a
central domed bay with vaulted side bays. Its unadorned surfaces contrast markedly
with the ornate treatment of the Damri mosque of 1568 standing outside the city,
about 500 metres north-east of the great circular fort (Fig. 51). Though small in
scale, this finely finished building epitomises the carved intricacy of the Nizam

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51 Damri mosque, Ahmadnagar, 1568

Shahi style (see also chapter 4). Piers separating the triple arches of the fagade and
the framing buttresses are divided into niches. The cut-out trefoil parapet above has
finials topped with miniature octagonal pavilions and domical pinnacles; an
unusual free-standing arch connects the inner pair of finials. Flat roof slabs over the
six bays of the interior are unusually fashioned so as to reflect the patterning of the
floor slabs directly beneath. The rear wall has polygonal side niches and square
central niche. Arched windows in the flanking walls lack their balcony slabs.

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sa B

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ig
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5 ah
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52. Tomb of Salabat Khan, Ahmadnagar, late sixteenth century

The tomb of Rumi Khan, patron of the Mecca mosque, who died in 1568,
displays double tiers of triple-arched recesses with doorways and windows in the
middle of each side. Pavilion-like finials, now missing their domical tops, are placed
at the corners of a large dome with a petalled base. This scheme is repeated in the
dargah of Hazrat Shah Sharif, erected in 1596 a short distance east of the city. The
arched recesses of the outer walls have contrasting pointed and lobed profiles. The
mausoleum of Salabat Khan presents a quite different scheme (Fig. 52). This unique

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towered monument commemorates Salabat Khan, prime minister of Murtaza I,
and himself a builder of note, being responsible for reconstructing Farah Bagh (see
Figs. 17 and 18). The austere but impressive tomb stands on a spacious hilltop
terrace, commanding views across the plain to Ahmadnagar to kilometres to the
west. The graves of Salabat Khan and his wife are placed in an octagonal basement.
Above rises a three-storeyed octagon, some 23 metres high. Each side is marked by
tiers of broad arched openings, the upper two with projecting balconies on lotus
brackets. The double-height octagonal chamber is surrounded by domed bays on
eight sides.

The dearth of monuments at Ahmadnagar in the seventeenth century is ex-
plained by the cessation of building activity owing to the repeated assaults on the
city by the Mughals and the shift of the Nizam Shahi capital to Khirki, later
renamed Aurangabad. Some of the finest mosques and tombs in and around
Aurangabad are linked with the career of Malik Ambar. The Jami mosque on the
north side of the city, founded in 1615 and extended in Mughal times, presents an
undecorated facade with slightly pointed arches overhung by eaves on carved
brackets. This faces onto a square court with a large central cistern, partly sur-
rounded by domed chambers. The Kali mosque within the walled city is also linked
with Malik Ambar. Medallions carried on curving brackets occupy the spandrels
above the triple arches of the facade. Octagonal corner buttresses are decorated with
ornamental niches and topped with domical finials. Shallow domes on faceted
pendentives roof the three interior bays; that in the middle rises as a fluted dome on
the outside.

Malik Ambar’s most impressive achievement is undoubtedly his own tomb
standing near the crest of the hill just north of Khuldabad (Fig. 53). This was
completed by the time of his death in 1626. Three crisply worked recesses with
lobed arches are set into each side of the building. Those in the middle are filled
with jali screens displaying varied and finely cut geometric patterns (see Fig. 94).
Screens also flank the doorway on the south side, but are reduced to relief carving
on the west side. A line of smaller and shallower arched recesses at the top of the
walls is overhung by a bold cornice on ornate brackets; corner turrets are conceived
as miniature pavilions, complete with angled eaves and domical tops. Stylised
palmettes embellish the parapet. The flattish dome rises on a fringe of well-
articulated petals. Immediately outside the walls of the complex stands the tomb of
Malik Ambar’s wife, also with stone screens.

A few metres south-west of these monuments is a small but highly individual
tomb, now ruined, said to be that of Malik Ambar’s grandson. It consists of an
octagonal domed chamber on a square plinth, with octagonal pillars standing freely
at the corners. Clusters of brackets projecting from the pillars carry circular
pavilions roofed with brick domes. An angled cornice running continuously
around the building projects in part-circular fashion around the corner pavilions.
The larger, more conventional monument to the north may have been erected by

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53. Tomb of Malik Ambar, Khuldabad, 1626

one of the Nizam Shahi nobles. The tomb, which stands in a walled compound, has
double tiers of triple-arched recesses, overhung by angled eaves and a parapet with
corner finials. Other unidentified tombs stand near to the Ghrishneshvara temple at
Ellora (see chapter 8), beneath the crest of the hill already noted. They display
pierced stone screens and relief lotus medallions typical of the Nizam Shahi
manner. A tomb with comparable details, including jali screens either side of the
arched entrance, stands on a rise to the east of the outer fortifications at Daulatabad.

Other noteworthy examples of Nizam Shahi religious architecture are found in
the outlying areas of the kingdom. The prayer hall of the Kali mosque of 1578 at
Jalna, 60 kilometres east of Aurangabad, for instance, stands in a walled compound
entered through an arched gate flanked by jali screens. The hall is topped with
corner finials displaying fluted domical tops. Octagonal columns carry six small
domes within. The adjacent hammam, completed five years later, has domed
chambers on faceted pendentives. Directly opposite the mosque is a sarai with a
large square court surrounded by arcaded chambers. Jalna preserves at least one
interesting tomb of the period. The dargah of Zacha and Bacha has pierced screens
set into arched recesses on three sides. Sculpted lotuses adorn the doorway on the
south. The dome rises over a parapet with octagonal corner finials.

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The Jami mosque within the fort at Parenda also dates from the Nizam Shahi
period. The prayer hall stands within a high walled enclosure entered through an
arched gate to the north and a domed entrance to the east. The nine aisles of the
interior, each of three bays, are created by temple-like columns with blocks, capitals
and brackets decorated with foliate ornament. The outer row is sheltered by angled
eaves. Triple stone windows are placed in the end walls. The mihrab is created from
delicately carved basalt.

The mosque and tomb of Dilawar Khan at Rajgurunagar, formerly Khed, 45
kilometres north of Pune, are somewhat later. The patron of this complex, which
dates from 1613, was a commander of the Ahmadnagar forces and distinguished
himself when fighting against the Mughals. The facade of the mosque has triple
arches with cusped profiles. The central two bays of the interior are unusually
roofed with a single dome raised high on a sixteen-sided drum. The adjacent tomb
is of conventional design, with double tiers of triple arches contrasting pointed and
lobed profiles. Miniature pavilions serve as corner finials.

An unidentified tomb of large proportions, almost 17 metres square, stands on
the outskirts of Junnar, 30 kilometres north of Rajgurunagar. Its outer walls show
two rows of arched recesses, four larger ones below and five smaller ones above. The
doorway on the south side has pilaster-like jambs and shallow eaves carried on
brackets; the arched recess contains a pierced stone window. Two smaller tombs
nearby are distinguished by their pyramidal vaults.

THE ADIL SHAHIS

The technical and aesthetic accomplishments of Adil Shahi religious architecture
are explained by the comparatively long reigns of the Bijapur sultans, the highly
developed aesthetic taste of many of these rulers and the considerable resources at
their command. The intensely sculptural quality of Adil Shahi buildings reflects the
contribution of local stone masons to the development of a highly individual style,
descendants no doubt of local temple builders.

Prior to 1565, when the Vijayanagara threat was finally overcome, the Bijapur
kings built only on an unassuming scale, except for religious sites associated with
saintly personalities. Among Yusuf Adil Khan’s first projects was the addition of a
monumental free-standing entrance to the dargah of Shaykh Sirajuddin Junaydi at
Gulbarga (Fig. 54). This monumental gate stands at one end of the street leading to
the Shah Bazaar mosque. Double arcades with angled profiles flank a central portal
raised slightly above the roof line. Lofty corner minarets present unadorned stone
cylinders divided into three stages by balconies and capped with flattish domical
tops. Similarly shaped minarets were added at about the same time to the gateway
of the complex next to the dargah of Gesudaraz, also at Gulbarga. This emphasis on
paired minarets is also observed at Aland, 40 kilometres north-west of Gulbarga.
Two gateways, probably belonging to the time of Yusuf, define a processional path

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54 Entrance to dargah of Shaykh Sirajuddin Junaydi, Gulbarga, early sixteenth century

leading to the dargah of Ladle Sahib, mentor of Gesudaraz. Each portal has a pair of
unadorned cylindrical shafts capped with bulbous domes. The minarets of the
outer gate show arcaded galleries at two levels.

Religious constructions at Bijapur were at first fairly limited. Asen Beg’s mosque
of 1513 resembles contemporary Nizam Shahi projects in the use of diminutive
pavilions as corner turrets. The elevated circular drum decorated with a petalled
frieze carrying the bulbous dome, however, displays typical Adil Shahi attributes.
Another early monument is the idgah in the north-west quarter of the city dating
from 1538. This prayer wall is flanked by tapering circular towers and projecting
balconies.

Ibrahim’s old Jami mosque and the mosque of Ikhlas Khan are the earliest
religious structures at Bijapur to demonstrate the full range of Adil Shahi features.
These triple-bay structures employ broad rounded arches in double planes, with
finely worked plaster roundels in the spandrels and wing-like motifs over the apexes
(see chapter 4). Brackets with pendant lotuses carry angled eaves, above which are
decorated plaster parapets. Ibrahim’s old Jami mosque introduces octagonal tur-
rets, two large ones in the middle and two smaller ones at the corners, all intended
to take domical finials. In Ikhlas Khan’s mosque, a lofty double-stage pavilion rises

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over the mihrab at the rear. Both mosques have flattish domes carried on
pendentives with angled profiles.

That these schemes became current in Bijapur’s architecture is evident in the
Rangin mosque, a triple-bay building with a cut-out parapet running between
extended corner turrets. A similar but highly decorated mosque of 1556 is associated
with the tomb of Ain al-Mulk, a noble at the court of Ibrahim I, at Ainapur, 2.5
kilometres east of the city. Here there are only pot-like finials with domical tops set
into the parapet. The tomb itself has double tiers of triple arches on each side, with
miniature domed pavilions at the corners of the large hemispherical dome. This
mausoleum contrasts markedly with the maqbara of the first Adil Shahis at Gogi,
some 85 kilometres south of Gulbarga. The simple funerary monument has eight
bays spanned by broad arches and roofed with flattish domes on faceted penden-
tives. This was evidently the model for the tomb of Ali I, the first royal mausoleum
to be erected in Bijapur. Each facade presents five unadorned arches, the wider end
arches corresponding to the vaulted corridor which runs around the sepulchral
chamber. It is roofed unusually with three small domes carried on broad transverse
arches.

Among the buildings ascribed to Ali I’s reign outside the capital is the Safa
Shahuri mosque of 1560 at Ponda, merely 35 kilometres south-east of the Por-
tuguese capital at Goa. The square prayer hall, which stands on a high plinth
overlooking a large tank, has its outer walls divided into arched recesses. These carry
neither dome nor vault, only a sloping tiled roof on a wooden frame, in accordance
with building practice in the Konkan. More conventional is the Jami mosque of the
same date within the fort at Naldurg. This simple structure has arches with cusps
cut into the outer plane; a fringe of lotus buds lines the central arch. Brackets with
cross pieces carry the angled eaves. A dome rises on a fringe of petals.

The Jami mosque at Bijapur begun by Ali I in 1576 was never finished. Corner
buttressing indicates where tall minarets would have risen. The fagade of the prayer
hall presents nine arches, but only the central arch has a lobed profile and
medallion-on-bracket motifs in the spandrels. Overhanging eaves are carried on
sculpted brackets but the parapet was never started. The hemispherical dome rising
on a cubic clerestory is relieved by arcades and a pierced parapet interrupted by
delicate finials with domical tops. The interior is impressive for its noble simplicity
(Fig. 55). Its thirty-six bays are roofed with shallow domes on pendentives, the nine
central bays covered with a single dome. Eight intersecting arches with intermediate
faceted pendentives create an octagonal space over which the dome appears to float,
a structural device of considerable ingenuity which appears here for the first time.
The mihrab bearing an inscription of 1636 is one of the most grandly proportioned
and sumptuously decorated in the Islamic world (see Colour Plate 16 and Figs. 106
and 107). It rivals the great mihrab in the tenth-century mosque at Cordoba.

A smaller, more unusual building belonging to Ali I’s reign is the complex of Ali
Shahid Pir. This includes a small mosque with triple arches, with rows of cusps cut

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55 Interior of Jami mosque, Bijapur, begun 1576

into the outermost plane. Corner finials display from the ground upwards square,
octagonal and circular sections, with domical tops on petals. The interior has a
single pointed vault running parallel to the fagade. The mihrab is conceived as a
decagonal chamber with intersecting arches roofed with a dome protruding high
above the roof. An almost similar tower-like mihrab is seen in the Kali mosque at

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Gogi, a commission of Ibrahim II’s sister. The interior of the prayer hall consists of
a single chamber with a small dome suspended on eight intersecting arches.

The long reign of Ibrahim II is marked by the evolution of a more elaborate style
with an emphasis on exquisite carved detail. Malika Jahan Begum’s mosque, built
in 1586 by the sultan in honour of his wife, is the first in this new idiom. Cut-out
brackets have triple sets of curving elements richly adorned with arabesque orna-
ment; intermediate panels are filled with medallion-on-chain motifs. Full lotuses
are carved on the underside of the overhanging eaves. The pierced parapet com-
bines interlocking elements with stylised palmettes. Intermediate pinnacles take the
form of miniature pavilions, complete with arched openings filled with pierced
screens, angled eaves, corner finials and hemispherical domes on petals, the last
imitating in diminutive form the central dome. That this highly intricate manner
was not confined to the capital is proved by the Kali mosque at Lakshmeshwar, a
small town some 200 kilometres south of Bijapur. Its lavish decoratation includes
stone chains hanging from the corner minarets. The entrance gateway to the
complex rivals the prayer hall in the elaboration of its ornamention.

In Bijapur one building of curious design, the Anda mosque of 1608 (Fig. 56),
follows the two-storey Kali mosque at Ahmadnagar mentioned earlier. The lower
level of the Bijapur example is occupied by a walled sarai with a central portal
surrounded by four lesser windows. The upper level which serves as a prayer hall has
a fluted dome raised high on a sixteen-sided arcaded drum. Another unusual
composition is the Chhoti mosque of 1614 in Akalkot. The fagade of this single-bay
mosque presents a broad curving arch with lobes cut into the outer frame. This
contains a pierced stone screen into which is set the actual entrance framed by a
smaller arch. The octagonal minarets at either side were never finished.

The Mihtar-i Mahal at Bijapur, another work assigned to the period of Ibrahim
II, consists of a small mosque entered through a multi-storeyed gateway (Fig. 57).
The latter is remarkable for the projecting balconies of arched openings supported
on carved angled struts (see Fig. 96). Slender finials with bulbous domes at the
summits flank the exterior. The mosque of the Mihtar-i Mahal also makes use of
angled struts. Together with brackets these carry the eaves and the ornate cut-out
parapet above (see Fig. 95). Unusually slender minarets flank the facade of Nau
Gumbad, the only mosque to combine multiple domes and pyramidal vaults.

The most splendid monument of Ibrahim II’s reign is the complex named after
him (Figs. 58 and 59). It stands outside the walls on the west side of Bijapur. The
Ibrahim Rauza was originally intended for Taj Sultana, Ibrahim’s queen, but was
later converted into a mausoleum for the sultan and his family. The scheme as
completed in 1626 consists of a paired tomb and mosque. These are elevated on a
common plinth and set in the middle of a large formal garden, about 140 metres
square. Steps on the north and south reached by raised pathways ascend to the
plinth. The tomb has a central chamber, almost 13 metres square, roofed by a
horizontal vault divided into nine squares with curved sides. The outer walls are

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56 Anda mosque, Bijapur, 1698

covered with panels of geometric and calligraphic designs, executed both as shallow
relief and as perforated screens (Fig. 60, see also Figs. 92 and 93). These motifs
adorn the doorways, as well as the windows admitting light to the sepulchral
chamber. Arches of uneven spacing with corbels support the flat roof of the
surrounding verandah. The exterior presents a pyramid of turrets and finials,
crowned with a three-quarter sphere raised high on a frieze of petals. The eaves and
cornice over the arches of the verandah wrap around the corner octagonal buttres-
ses; stone chains for lamps once hung from the eaves. Finials have miniature
arcaded storeys, cornices and bulbous domes (Fig. 61). The mosque, which faces
east towards the tomb, echoes many of these features, though at a slightly smaller

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pep

57. Gate to Mihtar-i Mahal, Bijapur, early seventeenth century

scale. Corner buttresses are carried beyond the roof line as slender minarets.
Arcaded balconies project from the side walls of the prayer chamber.

If the Ibrahim Rauza is the most exquisite monument at Bijapur, then the
grandest is the mausoleum of Muhammad Adil Shah, known as the Gol Gumbad
(Figs. 62 and 63). Though the tomb is the structural triumph of Deccan architec-
ture, it is impressively simple in design, with a hemispherical dome, nearly 44
metres in external diameter, resting on a cubical volume measuring 47.5 metres on
each side. The dome is supported internally by eight intersecting arches created by
two rotated squares that create interlocking pendentives, a device first noticed in the
Jami mosque. The austere quality of the interior accentuates the structural virtuos-
ity. A cenotaph slab in the floor marks the true grave in the basement, the only
instance of this practice in Adil Shahi architecture. A large half-octagonal bay
projects outwards in the middle of the west side. The exterior is majestic, with triple
sets of arched recesses on three sides. Medallion-on-bracket motifs are etched into
the plasterwork of the spandrels (see Fig. 79). The central recesses are filled with
stone screens pierced by doorways and windows. Horizontal eaves extending
outwards for more than 3 metres are supported on tiers of sculpted brackets and
surmounted by an arcade and trefoil parapet. Octagonal corner towers have open

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0 50m

58 Plan of Ibrahim Rauza, Bijapur, 1626
(tomb of Ibrahim Adil Shah II and associated mosque)

stages marked by arcades concealing interior staircases. They are topped by bulbous
domes on petalled bases imitating the great dome that hovers over the central mass,
acting as a climax to the whole composition.

An inscription over the south door of the Gol Gumbad gives the date of
Muhammad’s death as 1656, presumably when construction stopped; the attached

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59 Tomb of Ibrahim Adil Shah II, 1626

mosque, for example, has no parapet. Its restrained facade of five arches is flanked
by slender minarets with the usual domical turrets. The garden gateway of the
complex has an arcaded gallery for drummers and musicians. The tomb of
Muhammad’s queen Jahan Begum at nearby Ainapur is virtually identical to the
Gol Gumbad, except that it is about half the size. Only the corner turrets and
connecting arcades were completed.

Among the lesser monuments of Muhammad’s reign are a number of buildings
associated with the Adil Shahi nobility. Mustafa Khan’s mosque of 1641 has an
unusually large central arch flanked by two narrow ones. The tomb of Shah Nawaz
Khan, who died in 1647, is a small open structure. Its central chamber is surrounded
by arcaded bays with an intermediate storey to elevate the dome. The insistence on
verticality often leads to a loss of harmonious proportions. The tomb of Afzal
Khan, Muhammad’s prime minister who died in 1653, is located 4 kilometres
north-west of the city. It also suffers from a disproportionately high dome. The
adjacent mosque has two storeys, the upper level duplicating the hall beneath,
though without a stone mimbar.

Afzal Khan was also responsible for a tomb and mosque at Afzalpur, 80
kilometres north-east of Bijapur. The unadorned triple arches of the prayer hall
contrast with the pierced parapet and pavilion-like finials. Another work of this
patron is the finely detailed mosque in an outer court of the dargah of Hazrat

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Sewer Sane SIE I
PEERY

SFE TS

PF aate

ie pe aca a
ee aye

60 Verandah, tomb of Ibrahim Adil Shah II

Gesudaraz at Gulbarga. This small structure is provided with overhanging eaves
carried on carved brackets, with the usual array of finials and slender corner
minarets. The immense double-curved arch that springs from the pair of five-stage
square towers at the corners of the same court seems to be a contemporary
construction. The spandrels have unusual roundels containing heraldic animals on
curving brackets, all in shallow relief. (The pavilion with a curved bangla roof
standing freely beneath is an insertion of the Mughal period.)

Outlying monuments of the Bijapur kingdom are sometimes built in more sober
versions of the Adil Shahi style. An example is the tomb of Abdul Wahhab Khan,
governor of Kurnool, 275 kilometres south-east of the capital, dating from 1639.
The central domed chamber has pierced stone windows on three sides. It is
surrounded by a spacious verandah roofed with domes and shallow vaults. The
outer walls have arched openings of different widths. They are capped with the

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61 Finial, tomb of Ibrahim Adil Shah II

usual eaves on sculpted brackets and crenellated parapet. The dome with a petalled
neck rising on a circular drum has a quartet of pavilion-like turrets repeating those
at the corners of the walls beneath.

The tomb of Ali II at Bijapur, left unfinished at the death of the sultan in 1672, is
the last major building project of the Adil Shahis. It stands on a high plinth larger in
area than that of the Gol Gumbad. The finished portions present an imposing line
of gently pointed arches, seven on each side, surrounding the central square
chamber. The undated Mecca mosque within the citadel, also assigned to the reign
of Ali II, is surrounded by high walls, suggesting that it may have been intended for
courtly women (Fig. 64). Its prayer hall consists of a hemispherical dome carried on
eight intersecting arches surrounded by an arcade, open only on the east. A pair of
large minarets devoid of any decoration is incorporated into the compound walls.

The Jor Gumbad, another late Adil Shahi monument at Bijapur, comprises a
pair of tombs of similar shape and size which house the remains of the commander
Khan Muhammad and his spiritual advisor Abdul Razzaq Qadiri. Both buildings
are octagonal, with tall elegant facades capped with cornices on brackets and corner
finials with domical tops. Three-quarter spherical domes have prominent petalled
flutings at their base. A contemporary building is Allah Babu’s mosque south-west

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62 Plan of Gol Gumbad, Bijapur, 1656

of the Gol Gumbad. This is unusually surmounted by a roof-top chamber roofed
with a small dome on a constricted petalled neck.

That imposing monuments were still being constructed during the last years of
the Bijapur kingdom is demonstrated in the Jami mosque at Adoni, 200 kilometres
south-west of Bijapur (Fig. 65). This is the work of Masud Khan, governor of
Sikander Adil Shah, who retired here in 1683. The complex is entered through a
monumental gate incorporating narrow minarets. The prayer hall of twenty-five
bays, with alternating vaults and shallow domes, displays the usual arcades, over-
hanging eaves, cut-out trefoil parapet and intermediate domical pinnacles. Flank-
ing minarets of slender proportions are decorated with stone chains. The dome,

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63 Gol Gumbad

much diminished in proportion, rises on a high petalled neck. Side doorways
within the hall are surrounded by panels and elaborate pediments.

THE QUTB SHAHIS

Like the religious architecture of the Adil Shahis, that of the Qutb Shahis begins
modestly; here, however, the predominant external finish is moulded plaster rather
than carved stone. The Jami mosque at Golconda was erected by Quli Qutb
al-Mulk in 1518 next to the ceremonial portals that announce the entrance to the
fort (see chapter 2). The courtyard in which the mosque stands is entered on the east

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PPP ISPIO? S

Pon ee ae

64 Mecca mosque, Bijapur, late seventeenth century

TES
—.

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65 Jami mosque, Adoni, late seventeenth century

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66 Tomb of Jamshid Qutb Shah, Golconda, 1550

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side through a domed gate incorporating a reused temple doorway and a finely
carved inscription. The prayer hall is a simple structure of fifteen bays roofed with
both flattish domes and curved vaults. Its five-arched facade is surmounted by a
parapet of interlocking battlements running between corner miniature pavilions
and a single dome. The curved mihrab has a fine calligraphic panel. Quli Qutb
al-Mulk’s mausoleum in the royal necropolis 600 metres north of the fort walls at
Golconda is a similarly modest structure with three recessed arches on each side
topped with a hemispherical dome.

The fully developed Golconda style appears somewhat suddenly in the middle of
the sixteenth century, as in the tomb of Jamshid Qutb Shah (Fig. 66). This
double-height octagonal chamber, the only mausoleum of this shape at Golconda,
is relieved by superimposed arched recesses and projecting balconies with ornate
balustrades. Finials cluster around the petalled neck of the dome of slightly bulbous
form. The adjacent tomb of Ibrahim Qutb Shah recalls earlier Bahmani schemes,
with its double tiers of arched recesses outlined in stone borders. Remains of
excellent cut tilework are seen in the surrounding bands. The trefoil parapet has
small domical finials at its corners. Cut-out sinuous elements ornament the base at
each corner. The same sultan seems also to have been responsible for the Taramati
mosque within the first enclosure of the palace area (see chapter 2). The triple-
arched facade is raised on a substructure of arched cells. The parapet above is
missing its plaster screens, but the parapet of trefoil battlements survives. Ibrahim’s
mosque, named after its royal patron, just beneath the summit of the fort, has a
modest prayer hall of three bays flanked by slender minarets.

The accession of Muhammad Quli signals a more ambitious phase in Qutb
Shahi religious architecture. The Jami mosque in between the Char Minar and the
southern arch of the Char Karman in Hyderabad was erected in 1597 by Amir
al-Mulk, a prominent noble at the court. The prayer hall presents seven arched
openings surmounted by secondary arches with cut-out lobed profiles (plain over
the central arch). This upper tier of arches is carried on fluted curved brackets
projecting outwards from the wall. Minarets rising on octagonal corner buttresses
have cut-out colonettes framing the topmost circular stage. An unusual feature of
the interior is the rectangular vault over the bay immediately in front of the mihrab.

Muhammad Quli’s own mausoleum is the only one at Golconda to be raised on
a vaulted substructure accommodating the actual grave. The tomb itself is a
single-storeyed building with recessed bays in the middle of each side to accommo-
date deep porticos with slender timber-like columns and brackets (Fig. 67). The
deeply cut and partly pierced cornice with a frieze of medallions also runs around
the part-octagonal corner buttresses. Corner finials above have geometric designs
on their octagonal shafts and domical tops with double tiers of petals. The slightly
bulbous dome that crowns the whole composition has a strongly developed petalled
base. Inside, the dome is carried on eight arches giving sixteen intersecting profiles.

The Qutb Shahi style attains its grandest expression during the reign of Muham-

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67. Tomb of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, Golconda, 1611

mad. The Mecca mosque in Hyderabad, begun in 1617 but not completed until
1693, is the major project of the period. Built wholly of dressed stone, its prayer hall
has five aisles, three bays deep. The domical ceilings of the bays are carried on
pendentives, except for the central bay which has a flat roof with curved sides. The
combination of lofty arches and a reduced cornice gives the 67-metre-long facade a
light appearance in spite of its vast scale. Circular corner minarets have octagonal
arcaded balconies at parapet level, but were never carried higher. (Their capping
domes are Mughal additions.) Another instance of Muhammad’s somewhat severe
style is the idgah built on the south-eastern fringe of Hyderabad. Its five-bay prayer

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68 Tomb of Muhammad Qutb Shah, Golconda, 1626

hall is surmounted by a line of lobed arches and a prominent parapet. The facade is
framed by massive minarets of stunted proportions with intermediate twelve-sided
arcaded galleries. Muhammad’s own tomb at Golconda presents an imposing
pyramidal composition (Fig. 68). The central chamber is surrounded by a spacious
arcaded gallery with seven openings on each side. The upper storey has five deep
recesses on each side. A parapet of plain battlements runs between the octagonal
corner buttresses. The almost spherical dome, rising on enlarged and fully modelled
petals decorated with tiles in trefoil panels, attains an overall height of more than 50
metres.

The sculptural aspect of Qutb Shahi religious architecture reaches its zenith
during the long reign of Abdullah. Deeply modelled plasterwork enlivens arches
and galleries, while pierced plaster screens are set into cornices and parapets.
Mosque facades become narrower and more vertical in proportion, owing to the
increased height of multi-stage minarets. The most important examples of this
exuberant style are scattered around the Hyderabad area. Khairati Begum’s mos-

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Senna

CORES AS OO
RY Sea by

69 Parapet detail, mosque of Hayat Bakshi Begum, Golconda, 1666

que, some 4 kilometres north of the Char Minar, completed in 1626 by the
daughter of Muhammad Qutb Shah for her tutor Akhund Mulla Abdul Malik, is a
large and ornate building. The triple arches of the facade have motifs of ribbed fruit
at the apexes with tassels at either side. Deeply incised geometric patterns of
different designs cover the upper two stages of the minarets. The domical tops
resting on petals are repeated in miniature form in the finials that interrupt the
cut-out interlocking battlements of the parapet. The mosque of Hayat Bakshi
Begum in the Golconda necropolis, a foundation of Muhammad’s queen, dates
from 1666. This building also exhibits the decorative refinement typical of the era
(Fig. 69). The five-arched facade shows ribbed fruit, incised tassels and medallions
with calligraphy framed by foliate bands. The parapet displays a frieze of deeply cut
flowers, a line of cut-out geometric screens set between octagonal finials and a

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70 Toli mosque, Hyderabad, 1671

parapet of trefoil elements. Both frieze and parapet run around the twelve-sided
arcaded galleries protruding from the corner minarets.

These decorative tendencies reach their climax in the exuberant yet elegant Toli
mosque of 1671, situated midway between Golconda and Hyderabad (Fig. 70). The
five-arched facade of the prayer chamber, its central arch emphasised by lobes, is
enlivened with incised tassels and superb calligraphic medallions. The eaves are
carried on finely worked brackets and beams. The line of pierced screens above is
topped with a double parapet of arcades and battlements separated by curved
brackets. Triple sets of galleries on the minarets, the central gallery provided with
an additional balcony, are decorated with deeply modelled foliate elements. The
interior of the Toli mosque is divided into an outer hall with five bays roofed with a
flat transverse ceiling and an inner hall with flattish domes over three bays. Raised
balconies set into the end walls of the outer hall show triple arcades, eaves and
parapets.

Another noteworthy foundation assigned to Abdullah’s reign is the mosque at
Mushirabad, 6 kilometres north of the Char Minar. The five-bay facade of the
prayer hall is topped with a gallery with lobed arches carried on projecting brackets.
Cut-out interlocking elements are interrupted by finials with tiers of buds, ribbed

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motifs and miniature bulbous domes. The minarets are ornamented with fully
modelled plasterwork. The bottom stages show bold curvilinear petal-like motifs;
the twelve-sided intermediate stages have their corners marked by lotus buds, while
the circular top stages display bold geometric patterns. Arcaded galleries between
the two uppermost stages are carried on tiers of petals and buds. The minarets are
crowned by ribbed domical finials.

Compared with the decorative vitality of mosque architecture during this period,
contemporary tomb design is relatively restrained. The sultan’s own mausoleum
standing outside the main gate of the Golconda group is a nobly proportioned
structure recalling the tombs of his predecessors. The lower storey has seven arches,
the upper storey five; finials mark the corners and intermediate points. The facade is
decorated with richly worked plaster and tilework. The nearby tomb of Hayat
Bakshi Begum, who died in 1666, repeats some of the motifs on the adjacent
mosque, already mentioned. The interior of the mausoleum contains subtle plaster
modelling which contrasts curved and lobed profiles in the arched recesses. Of
greater originality is the tomb of Mian Mishk, officer of Abul Hasan, who died in
1676. This monument stands within a compound together with a mosque, ham-
mam and sarai on the north side of the old bridge crossing the Musi north-west of
the Char Minar. Not unlike the earlier mausoleum of Muhammad Quli, Mian
Mishk’s tomb also employs timber-like columns and brackets. In this example,
however, these columns create a colonnade that wraps around the small domed
chamber, partly concealing the triple-arched entrances on each side. A similar
colonnade runs around the tomb chamber of Hazrat Syed Shah Raju, a saint who
died in 1684 and was then interred at a site a short distance west of the Char Minar.
This structure, which presents a prominent bulbous dome on a high drum rising
above a cubical chamber, dispenses with the usual complement of arcaded storeys
and domical finials.

Qutb Shahi religious architecture is not entirely restricted to the area immediate-
ly around Golconda and Hyderabad, but mosques and tombs in outlying centres,
such as in the fort at Udayagiri, are generally of little merit. An exception is the Jami
mosque at Gandikota which represents the mature Qutb Shahi style at its best (Fig.
71). Circular minarets with double sets of galleries flank a modest triple-bay facade
with the usual double cornice and parapet.

THE FARUQIS OF THALNER AND BURHANPUR

Religious architecture of the Faruqis shows a greater affinity with building tradi-
tions in Malwa and Gujarat than with those of the Deccan. This is obvious from
mosques and tombs at Thalner, Burhanpur and Asirgarh built in variations of
Central and Western Indian styles. The reason for including these monuments here
is that these same sites were later absorbed into the Mughal province of Khandesh,
one of the chief administrative units of the Deccan.

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71 Jami mosque, Gandikota, late seventeenth century

Faruqi architecture at Thalner is confined to a group of mid-fifteenth-century
tombs, including the lasting resting places of Nasir Khan and Miran Mubarak Shah
I (Fig. 72). Their cubic forms with controlled elevational treatments and the
somewhat angled domes on pronounced cylindrical drums are characteristics of the
Malwa style. One tomb has smaller domes of the same type repeated at the corners,
in obvious reference to Hoshang Shah’s mausoleum at Mandu. Facades have
shallow arched recesses and angled eaves carried on carved brackets. One octagonal
tomb, now without its dome, has pointed arched openings on each side or-
namented with fringes of buds surrounded by stylised designs in shallow relief. The
southern arch frames a doorway with jambs and lintel. Tombs of the later Faruqis
follow the same scheme, as can be seen in the complex on the outskirts of
Burhanpur. Here, the lower cubic portions of the tombs have arched recesses in the
middle of each side, sometimes with stone screens placed over the doorways and in
the niches at either side. Domes with slightly angled profiles are raised on promi-
nent octagonal drums, giving the buildings a somewhat massive appearance.

Two places of prayer at Burhanpur are associated with the Faruqis. The Bibi-ka
mosque was constructed at some date prior to the middle of the sixteenth century.
Its stylistic connections with Gujarat are explained by the fact that the building

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73 Minaret of Jami mosque, Burhanpur, 1588

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patron, the widow of Adil Khan II, was the daughter of Muzaffar II, sultan of
Ahmadabad. The long facade of this monument is distinguished by a central portal
with an enlarged arch flanked by substantial minarets. The treatment of these lofty
towers is magnificently planned, with shallow balconies allowing a transition from
octagon to circle; four windows project outwards from the topmost stage. The Jami
mosque, begun in 1588 by Adil Khan IV, is larger but simpler. The fifteen arches of
its long facade are separated by piers with shallow niches and carved lotus medal-
lions. Above, the parapet has elegantly shaped crenellations. Corner minarets are
divided into four stages, octagonal below and polygonal above (Fig. 73). They are
topped with miniature pavilions with arched windows, angled eaves and small
domes. The prayer hall is divided into regular bays by plain cross vaults. An
inscription in Sanskrit and Persian is set into the arch over the central mihrab. The
hall opens onto a courtyard surrounded by a colonnade. The same scheme is
repeated in the Jami mosque that crowns a rocky eminence within the citadel at
Asirgarh, 18 kilometres north of Burhanpur. Here the minarets are reduced to their
simplest forms, being capped simply with plain domical tops.

THE MUGHALS

Mosques and tombs sponsored by the Mughal emperors, commanders and officials
in the Deccan tend to conform to architectural patterns well established in North
India by the beginning of the sixteenth century. This is obvious from the insistence
on fluted tapering columns, lobed arches, angled overhangs, diminutive chhatri-
like turrets, bangla vaults and fluted domes. In spite of their overall standardisation,
however, Mughal monuments in the Deccan are not always conventional in design.

Mughal religious architecture in Khandesh anticipates by several decades build-
ing activities in the Deccan itself. The tomb of Shah Nawaz Khan at Burhanpur
dating from 1619 (Fig. 74) was erected by Khan-i Khanan for his deceased son. It is
original in conception, rising in stages to create an overall pyramidal composition.
The lower storey has triple-arched openings in the middle of each side, with
octagonal buttresses at the corners protruding above the roof as slender pavilions.
They are capped with stunted domes that recall the tops of minarets in earlier
Faruqi buildings. The upper storey consists of a pavilion with separate sets of four
and eight slender finials encasing the flattish dome. The later tomb of Burhanuddin
Raz-i Ilahi repeats this basic scheme, but without the roof-top pavilion.

The earliest example of Mughal architecture within the Deccan heartland is both
the largest and in many respects the most original. The Bibi-ka Maqbara was
erected at a site 2 kilometres north of Aurangabad by Azam Shah for his mother,
Rabia Daurani (Fig. 75). The mausoleum stands in the middle of a large garden
entered on the south side through an imposing gateway. This has a central arched
portal flanked by panels filled with flowering plants and topped by spandrels with
arabesque motifs, all in delicately modelled plasterwork. Vaults and domes in the

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74 Tomb of Shah Nawaz Khan, Burhanpur, 1619

arched recesses at either side are softened by multiple facets. Slender finials with
domical tops are placed at the corners. Inlaid brass doors are inscribed with the
name of the architect and a date equivalent to 1661 (see Fig. 99). Panels of painted
tilework are seen on the walls (see Fig. 104). The garden is surrounded by
crenellated walls with bastions topped with chhatri-like pavilions at the corners. It
is divided into thirty-two plots by twelve waterways, the crossings marked by
sandstone platforms containing ponds and fountains. Carved stone screens line the
axial walkways.

The architect of the Bibi-ka Maqbara, Ataullah, was the son of Ustad Ahmad,
designer of the Taj Mahal; this accounts for the close schematic relationship
between the two monuments. But comparisons with the Taj tend to underscore the
unsatisfactory proportions of the Aurangabad tomb, while failing to acknowledge
the innovative aspects of its layout and distinguished ornamentation. The mauso-
leum itself is a grandiose conception dictated by rigorous symmetry. Each facade
has a central arched portal flanked by double tiers of similar but smaller arched
recesses. A great dome with a pronounced bulbous profile crowns the whole
composition. Octagonal domed chhatris and tapering octagonal finials topped with
diminutive square pavilions mark the corners. The doorway on the south leads to
an octagonal gallery overlooking the grave at the lower level, a feature unknown in
any other Mughal tomb. The cenotaph is enclosed by an octagon of delicately

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75 Bibi-ka Maqbara, Aurangabad, 1661

carved marble screens. Squinches carry the lofty dome that rises above. White
marble cladding with polychrome inlays combines with delicately moulded plaster-
work both inside and outside the building (see Fig. 81). Like the Taj Mahal, the
mausoleum is framed by four tapering minarets which stand freely at the corners of
the terrace; the Aurangabad examples, however, are octagonal rather than circular,
though they also have domed pavilions at the top. West of the tomb is a small
mosque with lobed arches and corner minarets. Panels with lotuses and arabesques
embellish the facade. Shallow fluted domes roof the interior bays.

Besides the extension of the Jami mosque begun by Malik Ambar, the Mughals
commissioned several new places of prayer in Aurangabad. The Chauk mosque of
1662 erected by Shaista Khan, maternal uncle of Aurangzeb, stands on a terrace that
rises above the crowded market streets. It is a sober structure lacking any obvious
Mughal characteristics, with a single central dome and octagonal corner buttresses.
The Lal mosque of 1665 built by Zain al-Abidin, a government official, is similar in
layout, but has lobed arches carried on typical fluted columns. More unusual is the
Shahi mosque of 1693, erected by Aurangzeb for his private use on the east flank of
Qila Arak (Fig. 76). The prayer hall is roofed by triple vaults with curved bangla
cornices topped with fluted domes; the facade shows enlarged trilobed arches.

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76 Shahi mosque, Aurangabad, 1693

The return of the Mughal court to Delhi after Aurangzeb’s death by no means
signalled the demise of Mughal architecture at Aurangabad. The Shah Ganj
mosque of 1720 occupies the west side of the great market square laid out by
Aurangzeb in the middle of the city. The prayer hall is raised high above street level,
with shops built into its sides. Flights of steps on the north and south sides ascend to
a spacious courtyard with a large cistern in the middle. The prayer chamber
presents a line of lobed arches with finely polished plasterwork. The smaller, more
interesting Kaudiya Luti mosque just inside the western line of fortifications of the
city has pierced stone windows set into the walls of the prayer hall. Side chambers
have doorways capped with bangla cornices in shallow plaster relief. Cusped arches
carry domes, that in front of the mihrab being raised on a high drum.

Later funerary monuments at Aurangabad are confined to small-scale buildings
such as the dargah of Shah Musafir, Aurangzeb’s spiritual guide, who died in 1699.
Together with a mosque, madrasa and sarai, the saint’s tomb faces onto a small
garden adjoining the Panchakki water mill (see chapter 2). The elegant pink
structure makes use of the usual fluted columns and lobed recesses. The adjacent
mosque employs broad lobed arches in highly polished white plaster. The corners
of the roof are marked by small chhatris; triple domes rise on friezes of acanthus
leaves. The tomb of Nizamuddin Auliya of 1724 has the same chhatri turrets, but
there is only a single bulbous dome on well-formed acanthus leaves. Qadar Auliya’s
tomb, which is otherwise similar, is surrounded by an arcaded corridor roofed with

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curving bangla vaults in the middle of each side and low pyramidal vaults at the
corners.

Several late Mughal tombs are planned as garden complexes. The mausoleum of
Pir Ismail, Aurangzeb’s tutor, stands outside the Delhi gate on the north side of
Aurangabad. The flat-roofed building has corner chhatris with fluted domes;
doorways at the ends of the arcaded facades lead into the octagonal chamber. The
complex is entered on the south side through a gate with triple arches and roof-top
pavilions. A similarly planned complex tomb is the Lal Bagh at Khuldabad. This
dilapidated funerary monument was laid out by Khan Jahan, Aurangzeb’s foster
brother. It comprises an octagonal tomb in the middle of a chahar-bagh garden.
Another funerary garden is located on a hill slope east of Daulatabad. Its surround-
ing walls have corner chhatris with fluted domes and an entrance gate on the west
side. Square plots surround the central dais with graves.

Other important Mughal funerary monuments are seen at Khuldabad where are
buried Aurangzeb and his son Azam Shah. While the royal graves within the dargah
of Hazrat Zainuddin are no more than simple gravestones, the complex itself was
much extended under the Mughals. The square courtyard in front of the saint’s
tomb is surrounded by two-storeyed arcades with baluster columns and cusped
arches. A monumental gateway topped with bangla pavilions stands to the south.
On the west side is a mosque with lobed arches, corner minarets and a hemispheri-
cal dome on acanthus frieze. Similar additions are seen in the dargah of Hazrat
Burhanuddin Gharib opposite. The courtyard to the rear of the complex incorpor-
ates the graves of Nizam al-Mulk and Nasir Jang. Of greater architectural interest is
the tomb of Muntajabuddin Zar Zari Badshah a short distance north of Khul-
dabad. The chamber has superimposed pointed and lobed arches in the middle of
each side, with additional lobed recesses cut at an angle into the corners. Roof-top
pavilions have petalled domes of the same type as that which rises above the
sepulchral chamber.

Monuments beyond the Aurangabad area sponsored by the governors of the
different provinces show the Mughal style at its most conventional, as for example
in the mosques at Jalna and Bidar. Aurangzeb’s gateway to the Jami mosque at
Bijapur and the additions that he made to the Mecca mosque at Hyderabad are
among the more ambitious structures of the period. Here, too, may be mentioned
the tomb of Shah Shuja just north of Burhanpur. This fascinating but historically
obscure building, probably belonging to the early eighteenth century, consists of a
small circular chamber with twelve bulbous projections. These are echoed in the
lobed plan of the terrace on which the tomb stands. The projections dictating the
complex profile of the angled eaves terminate in diminutive part-circular pavilions.
These show ribbed domes clustering against the sides of the main dome. Narrow
flanges between the projections are topped with shallow finials.

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77 Tomb of Sirul Khan, Janjira, 1733

THE SIDIS

Adil Shahi traditions seem to have dictated the religious architecture of the Sidis
whose building activities coincide with the late Mughal era. The Jami mosque on
the mainland opposite their island fort of Janjira has an arcaded prayer hall flanked
by corner buttresses with cut-out curving brackets. Windows are placed in both the
side and rear walls. The mausoleum of Sirul Khan who died in 1733 is located about
1 kilometre away (Fig. 77). The sepulchral chamber is surrounded by an arcade and
raised on a double terrace. The stunted dome has boldly modelled petals at its base.
A pair of smaller, almost identical tombs standing on a common plinth nearby are
associated with Yaqut Khan, who died in 1707, and his brother Khariat Khan. In
spite of their obvious Adil Shahi appearance, these buildings employ Mughal-style
lobed recesses in the middle of each side. The walls are overhung by angled eaves
and trefoil parapets set between slender pinnacles. The domes are similarly stunted
in profile.

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ARCHITECTURAL DECORATION

All the phases of Deccani architecture surveyed in this volume are characterised by
richly adorned surfaces. Incised plaster appears to have been the preferred material
for decoration in Bahmani buildings during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,
continued in later times under the Baridis and Qutb Shahis. This material was
replaced to some extent by stone as a primary decorative medium in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries, as in the mosques and tombs of the Nizam Shahis and
Adil Shahis. Carved wood and coloured tiles were probably in widespread use
throughout these centuries, but only fragmentary evidence has survived; sadly, the
painted heritage is similarly incomplete. This situation changes to some extent in
the eighteenth century from which time there are Maratha-style mansions fur-
nished with woodwork and murals.

The repertory of ornamental themes in all materials is at first limited, with a
preference for geometric and stylised floral motifs inherited from Khalji and
Tughlug architecture. That indigenous traditions gradually manifest themselves is
evident in the widespread use of naturalistic motifs based on the lotus and other
plant forms. The impact of Iranian and even occasionally Turkish traditions
detected in later Bahmani and in Nizam Shahi buildings is accompanied by a new
range of motifs, especially calligraphy, stylised plant forms and dense arabesque
patterns. The most spectacular instance of an imported decorative scheme is the
tilework on the madrasa of Mahmud Gawan at Bidar. Architectural ornament in
carved stone at Bijapur attains a degree of exuberance unmatched elsewhere.
Designs based on animal and vegetal motifs become popular, though always in
partnership with calligraphic, arabesque and geometric patterns, reflecting the
sustained impact of Islamic artistic conventions.

INCISED PLASTERWORK

Plaster decoration is at first restricted to bands around arched openings and
recesses, and to medallions in the spandrels above. Early Bahmani buildings make
use of a limited range of geometric and floral motifs, as can be seen in palaces at
Daulatabad and Firuzabad (see chapter 2) and in mosques and tombs at Gulbarga
and Holkonda (see chapter 3). This decorative repertory also includes simple
geometric patterns in screens. It has been argued that crown-and-wing motifs at the
apexes of arches are derived from ancient Iranian royal emblems, but it is more
likely that such motifs have their origins in the decorative themes of earlier Hindu

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monuments in the Deccan. This ornamental range is elaborated in the tomb of
Tajuddin Firuz at Gulbarga where strapwork, petalled fringes and creeper motifs all
appear in arched bands; cornices are created with rows of angled bricks, diagonal
squares and trefoil crenellations. The mosque within the dargah of Mujarrad Kamal
at the same site has flattish arches with lobes encrusted with calligraphy, seemingly
suspended over the arched openings. Probably the most refined plasterwork of the
era is the delicately incised calligraphy and foliation of the mihrab in the Langar-ki
mosque just north of Gulbarga.

Plasterwork in later Bahmani monuments sometimes achieves sumptuous ef-
fects, as on the facade of the Takht-i Kirmani at Bidar (Fig. 14). The crown-and-
wing motif at the summit of its central arch is transformed into an elaborate
cartouche crowded with intricate arabesques; similar patterns fill the enlarged
medallions in the spandrels and the trefoil crestings of the parapet. More restrained
plasterwork adorns the Baridi monuments in the same city, as in the tomb of Khan
Jahan where medallion-on-chain motifs appear inside the arched recesses. The
interior of the mosque associated with the tomb of Ali Barid Shah displays elegantly
worked cartouches filled with arabesques above the wall niches, including the
mihrab (Fig. 78). Deeply moulded patterns adorn the plastered wall niches of the
inner apartments of the Tarkash Mahal.

Plasterwork in early Adil Shahi monuments at Bijapur continues the same
tradition, as can be seen on the facades of Ikhlas Khan’s mosque and the prayer hall
associated with Ain al-Mulk’s tomb at Ainapur. Ornate medallions and cartouches
decorate the arches of Ali Shahid Pir’s mosque; enlarged medallion-on-chain motifs
embellish the dome inside. Elaborate plasterwork also enhances Adil Shahi courtly
structures. Medallions-on-bracket motifs appear in the spandrels of the monu-
mental arch in the Gagan Mahal within the citadel; the brackets take the form of
upside-down fish, complete with eyes, gills and tails. The fish are reduced to
sinuous outlines in most later versions of this motif. The deteriorating chambers of
the nearby Sat Manzil bear traces of elaborate decoration inside flattish domes and
vaults. Here can be seen a variety of inventive patterns employing strapwork,
medallions and cartouches, all executed with utmost refinement.

With the development of carved stonework in later Adil Shahi architecture,
plaster decoration tends to be confined to cartouches and medallions on sinuous
brackets. They are seen on both structures of the Ibrahim Rauza as well as on the
small but exquisite mosque of the Mihtar-i Mahal. The largest cartouches and
medallion-on-bracket motifs are those filled with luxuriant but crisply cut scroll-
work on the facade of the Gol Gumbad (Fig. 79). Bands marking the different
stages of the corner minarets of this monument exhibit seemingly endless variations
on the interlaced parapet design.

Unlike the Adil Shahis, the Qutb Shahis retained plasterwork as the primary
medium of decoration. Monumental gates, such as that which serves as the principal
entrance to the Bala Hisar at Golconda, show ornate arabesque medallions as well as

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78 Plaster detail, mosque associated with tomb of Ali Barid Shah, Bidar, 1577

sharply modelled peacocks with long feathers and curly-tailed lions. A large range of
decorative themes is seen in and around the arches marking the principal facades of
Qutb Shahi mosques and tombs: ribbed fruits in high relief, cartouches filled with
fanciful foliation, deeply incised flowing tassels, roundels filled with arabesque
designs. Calligraphy makes an occasional appearance, as on the mosque associated
with Hayat Bakshi Begum’s tomb (see Fig. 69). Cornices lining arcades and galleries
tend to be deeply moulded, sometimes with pierced plaster screens displaying bold
geometric designs. Rows of petals marking the necks of domes, including those at a
diminutive scale capping minarets and finials, become increasingly three-dimen-
sional and outward curving. The most ornate Qutb Shahi monuments, such as the
Toli mosque between Golconda and Hyderabad, orchestrate all these themes into
an unparalleled decorative density (Fig. 70).

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79 Plaster detail, Gol Gumbad, Bijapur, 1656

What little plasterwork survives on Nizam Shahi monuments indicates a close
relationship with Adil Shahi traditions, as for example on Ahmad Bahri’s tomb at
Ahmadnagar. The Bhadkal gate at Aurangabad preserves remnants of plaster
decoration, including medallion-on-bracket motifs. More popular are the intricate
net-like designs inspired by Iranian traditions, such as the complex multi-faceted
vaults filling the interiors of pendentives and half-domes. The finest examples,
though no longer crisp and complete, are seen in the Farah Bagh palace. The
Middle Eastern character of these patterns is modified by the introduction of full
and half lotuses with clearly defined petals. That Mughal architecture in the Deccan
had already absorbed such Iranian motifs is evident in the intricately faceted plaster
vaults painted with stylised floral designs roofing the hammam at Burhanpur (Fig.
80). Patterns with naturalistic plant forms, such as stalks and tendrils, laid out in
strict geometric fashion, animate the elegant plasterwork of the spandrels and
interior vaults of the main tomb and entrance gate of the Bibi-ka Maqbara (Fig. 81).
Plaster decoration elsewhere in Mughal architecture is mainly confined to delicately
worked bands of acanthus leaves at the necks of domes.

CARVED STONEWORK

One of the most distinctive features of Deccani architectural decoration is the use of
local fine black basalt. In the hands of extraordinary craftsmen, this exceptionally

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80 Plaster vault, hnommam, Burhanpur, 1608

hard material was cut with crisply shaped designs and then polished to achieve a
smooth mirror-like finish, ideal techniques for stylised geometric, foliate and
calligraphic patterns. Such craftsmen were of course following in the footsteps of
their predecessors who had produced similarly burnished basalt columns for the
halls of Hindu temples.

Isolated examples of stone carving in Bahmani and Baridi architecture are
evident in the sculpted animal motifs that appear in the spandrels over arched
openings, as in the Delhi gate at Daulatabad and the Sharza gate at Bidar. (They
form a counterpart to animal designs in plasterwork and polychrome tilework, now
mostly lost.) To these examples may be added the heraldic lions on the Sharza
bastion at Bijapur. There are, in addition, the tigers and fantastic animals and birds
sculpted onto granite blocks set into the side walls of the Banjara and Pattancheru
gates at Golconda (Fig. 82). The preference for animal motifs at the entrances to
Deccani forts survives into Maratha times. The principal gates at Raigad and
Janjira, for instance, are adorned with panels showing lions clawing at diminutive
captive elephants.

Stone calligraphic panels are accorded much prominence in the decor of mos-
ques and tombs. Both Arabic and Persian are used, occasionally together in

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82 Sculpted granite animals on Pattancheru gate, Golconda, sixteenth century

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, : ae MR Le AD s
83 Black basalt inscription, tomb of Shaykh Khalilullah (Chaukhandi), Bidar, 1450

bilingual inscriptions, with a preference for thuluth script with generously overlap-
ping letters. Other than quoting select Koranic verses, these texts mostly record
details of building construction and the names of patrons. The texts inscribed on
the right-hand mihrab of the Jami mosque within the fort at Raichur include the
Shia Profession of Faith and prayers calling for God’s blessings on the twelve Shia
Imams.

The finest examples of calligraphy from the Bahmani era are the black basalt
slabs placed over the doorways of the tomb shrine of Shaykh Khalilullah outside
Bidar (Fig. 83). Koranic quotations in majestic thuluth script (xm, 23-4) are
superimposed on a background of great volutes of foliate scrollwork. The work of a
calligrapher from Shiraz named Mughith, these compositions are among the
greatest epigraphic masterpieces of Indian and Islamic art. (Other noteworthy
Bahmani inscriptions discovered at Panhala and Raichur have been removed to
museums at Kolhapur and Hyderabad.)

One aspect of Bahmani decorative stonework not hitherto noted is the fashion
for the prominent basalt string courses which follow the lines of the buildings,
particularly arched openings, as well as dividing up wall surfaces into rectangular
panels to hold mosaic tilework. These string courses are often carved in spiral
designs, stone versions of Timurid plaster and brick forms, as on the tombs of the

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|

84and 85__ Black basalt string courses, tomb of Shaykh Khalilullah

Bahmani sultans at Ashtur north-east of Bidar and that of Hazrat Shah Abud Faid
south of the city. On the tomb of Shaykh Khalilullah, however, the string courses
are more complicated, with fascinating positive—negative forms of great originality
(Figs. 84 and 85), recalling ninth-century stucco ornament of palaces at Samarra in
Mesopotamia and thirteenth-century stone ornament on Seljuq mosques in
Anatolia. More conventional are the small but delightfully carved arabesque designs
which grace the capitals of the wall pilasters (Fig. 86).

Qutb Shahi buildings, otherwise free of stone decoration, exploit carved basalt
calligraphy with great effect. Most mosques and tombs in the Golconda-Hyderabad
area contain basalt panels carved with fine Arabic or Persian texts in the thuluth
style designed by the best Middle Eastern scribes brought to Golconda by the
sultans. We notice in these panels a tendency to arrange the script in vertically
stacked registers, present on Deccani metalwork as well. Following the Bidar
tradition, the bold and well-written script is placed on a background of lively foliate
scrollwork creating images of dynamic and restless beauty. A splendidly long
thuluth inscription of 1559 runs around the walls of the Mecca gate at Golconda.

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86 Carved capital with arabesque, tomb of Shaykh Khalilullah

The vast necropolis containing the tombs of the Qutb Shahi sultans and their
families at Golconda is the repository of some of the finest stone epigraphy from the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in India. The mosque associated with Hayat
Bakshi Begum’s tomb has a lobed mihrab arch surrounded by a rectangular frame
incised with vertically stacked Koranic verses. Outside the various domed struc-
tures, in a pleasant garden setting, are the highly polished basalt cenotaphs of the
sultans’ relatives (Figs. 87 and 88). For the most part these are undecorated, but
with fine streamlined proportions, usually of stepped rectangular form, often with
elegant non-functional corner legs. The cenotaphs inside the tomb structures are
inscribed with extraordinary thuluth script. Often the same verses that appear on
metalwork are present here; in particular, the Shia Profession of Faith, the Cry to
Ali (Nadi Aliyyan), and the Throne Verse (11, 256) and other Koranic passages. The
cenotaph of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, dated 1611 in the year of the sultan’s
death, is particularly fine (Fig. 89). Equally well fashioned is the nearby cenotaph of
prince Mirza Muhammad Amin, son of Ibrahim Qutb Shah, who died in 1596 (Fig.
90). The latter is distinguished by a harmonious square panel of kufic, a rare
instance of this script in India. Highly polished and funereally black, these

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88 Detail of corner leg, cenotaph, royal necropolis, Golconda

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89 Black basalt inscription, cenotaph of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, royal necropolis,
Golconda, 1611

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90 Black basalt kufic inscription, cenotaph of prince Mirza Muhammad Amin,
royal necropolis, Golconda, 1596

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91 Polygonal platform with rays of basalt, haommam, royal necropolis, Golconda,
sixteenth century

cenotaphs glisten in the half light of their tomb chambers like powerful symbols of
death.

Another extraordinary example of Qutb Shahi stonework is the polygonal
platform inside the hammam associated with the royal necropolis. (This was almost
certainly used by visiting courtiers and nobles, and was not intended as a mortuary
bath as is usually suggested.) More than 2 metres in diameter, this platform is
formed of cement with twelve gracefully curving rays of polished black basalt
radiating out from a central circle of the same material. Its classically balanced form
makes an appropriate setting for courtly bathing (Fig. 91). As in the cenotaphs, this
platform was evidently designed by an artist brilliantly sensitive to form and the
expressive potential of stone.

Stone calligraphy also plays a significant role in Adil Shahi architecture. The
inscribed slab in the Jami mosque at Raichur, already noted, shows a row of
cartouches framing angled bands and a central diamond filled with thuluth, in the
manner of textile designs. Similar angled bands and diamond patterns with
inscriptions frame the doorways of the sepulchral chamber in the Ibrahim Rauza at
Bijapur (Fig. 92). The superb relief work is matched by perforated screens display-
ing interlocking cut-out letters (Fig. 93). The wall medallions are filled with relief
inscriptions.

In contrast, stone calligraphy forms only a minor aspect of Nizam Shahi
architectural decoration. The outer surfaces of the tomb of Ahmad Bahri at

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92 Carved doorway, tomb of Ibrahim Adil Shah II, Bijapur, 1626

Ahmadnagar, for instance, are enhanced by medallions filled with lotuses and
Arabic script. Similar motifs also appear in the medallions that surround the arched
entrance of the Mahakali gate at Narnala, a late Bahmani monument that antici-
pates the Nizam Shahi style. The treatment of the small but exquisitely appointed
Damri mosque at Ahmadnagar is more elaborate (Fig. 51). Bands of strapwork
surround the triple arches of the facade, while a fringe of lotus buds animates the
overhang. At either end square buttresses have arched niches alternating with relief
medallions, both surrounded by deeply cut foliation. Triple mihrab niches in the

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93 Carved calligraphic window and relief medallions, tomb of Ibrahim Adil Shah I

rear wall are framed by geometric ornament, with stylised foliation filling the
central recess. Pierced screens with inventive geometric designs are characteristic of
Nizam Shahi funerary architecture, as can be seen in the mausoleum of Malik
Ambar at Khuldabad (Fig. 94).

Stone carving reaches its most florid expression at Bijapur, as is clear from the
richly sculptural treament of brackets, eaves, parapets and finials. All these features
are present in miniature form in the crisply detailed Jal Mandir, the plinth and wall
surfaces of which are encrusted with tightly packed designs. Sculptural exuberance
reaches its zenith in Malika Jahan Begum’s mosque. The eaves are carried on
double sets of cut-out sinuous brackets adorned with elegant arabesque patterns.
Lotus medallions and palmette fringes cover the undersides of the eaves. This
ornate treatment is sustained in the parapet where cut-out interlocking elements are
combined with palmettes. Fragments of the perforated parapet of the Mihtar-i
Mahal show graceful arabesque flourishes in the finest Timurid manner (Fig. 95).
That stone chains hanging from eaves also form part of this decorative repertory is
demonstrated in the Kali mosque at Lakshmeshwar.

The carving of the Ibrahim Rauza rivals all these examples (Figs. 59-61, 92, 93).
Here additional elements are introduced, such as angled struts with animal-like
forms beneath the eaves and miniature cut-out finials clustering around the minaret

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1626

94 Perforated screens, tomb of Malik Ambar, Khuldabad,

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95 Parapet fragment, Mihtar-i Mahal, Bijapur, early seventeenth century

shafts. Geometric and foliate patterns on the outer walls of the sepulchral chamber
and the ceiling of the surrounding verandah are unique in their delicacy and variety.
They include looped and knotted patterns, bands of flowers connected by curving
stalks, and elegant arabesques. The sculptural treatment of the superimposed
balconies of the Mihtar-i Mahal shows lions, geese and foliation, both in shallow
relief and in cut-out imitation of timberwork. Struts reinforcing the brackets
beneath the eaves of the associated mosque are fashioned as leaping beasts on
aquatic monsters (Fig. 96).

That carved stonework under the Adil Shahis was by no means confined to
religious architecture is demonstrated by the west entryway of the fort at Panhala
which displays a remarkable richness of detail. The doorway of the gate facing into

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96 Sculpted struts, gateway to Mihtar-i Mahal, Bijapur

the courtyard of this entrance complex is surrounded by bands of relief designs
mingling interlocking trefoil parapet elements, medallions filled with arabesques
and sinuous bracket motifs.

The only known instance of the luxuriant and highly intricate technique of

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97 Inlaid mother-of-pearl panel, Rangin Mahal, Bidar, mid-sixteenth century

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98 Wooden columns, Rangin Mahal, Bidar

mother-of-pearl set into polished basalt is associated with the sixteenth-century
Baridi rulers. Sumputuously decorated bands and panels depicting flowers, curving
tendrils and calligraphy adorn the doorway of the innermost suite of rooms in the
Rangin Mahal at Bidar (Fig. 97 and p. 137).

WOODWORK AND METAL CLADDING

Wooden decoration in Deccani architecture can only be studied from the scantiest
remains. Probably the earliest examples are the timber columns and brackets set
into the plaster walls of the ruined Bahmani palace at Daulatabad. Later woodwork
is visible in the Baridi additions to the Rangin Mahal at Bidar (Fig. 98). Free-
standing columns and half-columns set into the walls of the principal hall have
projecting brackets with triple tiers of pendant buds reinforced by angled struts
with fish-like sinuous motifs. The same type of brackets and struts appear in Nizam
Shahi and Adil Shahi architecture, though here reproduced in stone. The timber-
like quality of these elements is most obvious in the Mihtar-i Mahal at Bijapur.
Only isolated instances of woodwork survive from the Adil Shahi era. Though
the wooden columns and panelled ceiling of the double-height portico of the Asar
Mahal are probably replacements, the finely worked trellis windows with geometric
designs over the panelled doors of the inner chambers are clearly original. A

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99 Embossed brass-clad doors, Bibi-ka Maqbara, Aurangabad, 1661

wooden item of interest, though probably also a later addition, is the canopy
sheltering Muhammad Adil Shahi’s grave within the Gol Gumbad. This has small
openings of different designs topped with a gabled roof.

Compared with the paucity of materials for the Sultanate and Mughal eras, an
abundance of woodwork survives in Maratha architecture. While the timber
portions of the royal residences at Raigad and Pune have been lost, a large number
of wadas, or mansions, survive to give some idea of eighteenth-century Deccani
wood traditions. Houses in Pune, Wai and Paithan preserve wooden supports with
ornate shafts, curving brackets with fully sculpted leaves and buds, and struts with
animal and bird-like motifs. Doorways are surrounded by sculpted jambs, with
lines of pendant buds or acanthus leaves on the lintels. Panelled walls and ceilings
have wooden pieces fitted into frames with different geometric designs. Balconies
with arched openings are surrounded by richly worked floral borders.

Metal cladding still remains on some of the doors in the defensive entryways to
Deccan forts, for example the geometric designs in iron strapwork on the inner
door of the Fateh gate at Golconda. By far the most sophisticated metal cladding is
seen in the Bibi-ka Magqbara at Aurangabad (Fig. 99). Brass-covered doors with
embossed designs of flowering plants in the most refined Mughal manner lead to

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the steps ascending to the central terrace of the tomb. Similar work is also seen in
the main gate of the complex.

GLAZED TILEWORK

Only after the move to Bidar did the Bahmanis turn to tilework as the major source
of colour in their buildings. Its splendour is still apparent on the monuments of the
city, though the tilework has inevitably deteriorated because of India’s monsoonal
climate. Two techniques were especially popular: cut tiles, in which a mosaic was
created from separately coloured tiles shaped and fitted together to create compli-
cated designs, and underglaze painted tiles, in which patterns with different colours
were painted onto a tile, before glazing and firing. Yet a third technique, known in
Europe as cuerda seca, was occasionally also practised, in which colours added to
the tiles were separated by a sticky substance which leaves a dark line after firing.
These different ceramic procedures were brought to peninsular India directly from
the Middle East, rather than via North India. The remarkable similarity of Deccani
cuerda seca tiles to similar work in mosques at Bursa and Edirne suggests also the
possibility of artistic influence from Ottoman Turkey. In spite of this close
relationship to foreign models, Deccani tilework often equals and even surpasses
Iranian and Turkish examples, both technically and aesthetically. The individual
pieces of Deccani tile mosaic are so perfectly joined that a fluidity of line is achieved
which rivals the effects of fine underglazed painted panels, like those of the best
period from Iznik in Turkey. (This fineness is never achieved in Iran where the
joints are always clearly visible.) The depth of colour of Deccani tilework is also
rarely matched by Iranian examples. In short, although the impetus for tile
revetments came from the Middle East, the quality of most Deccani tilework
surpasses its models.

Magnificent panels created from underglaze painted tiles once covered the lower
portions of the walls in the chambers opening off the audience hall in the Diwan-i
Am at Bidar. Among the varied compositions recorded before the tiles mysteriously
disappeared were bold geometric, arabesque and calligraphic patterns in blue,
turquoise and yellow, all in the most refined manner. Royal sun and tiger emblems
depicted on hexagonal tiles once filled the spandrels of the portal facing into the
courtyard of the Takht Mahal.

Elsewhere in Bidar, architectural tilework conforms to the mosaic technique.
That remaining on Mahmud Gawan’s madrasa rivals the finest Timurid workman-
ship of Central Asia and Iran and presents a ceramic analogue of the black basalt
panels of the tomb of Shaykh Khalilullah. The madrasa was once entirely covered in
tiles, but now only the surviving single minaret and the facade next to it retain a
substantial quantity (Fig. roo). A monumental band of calligraphy filling the
horizontal space between the arched recesses and the roof contains a Koranic verse
(xxxIx, 73-4) written in elegant thuluth designed by the calligrapher Ali as-Sufi.

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too = Calligraphic bands in tile mosaic, madrasa of Mahmud Gawan, Bidar, 1472

The letters in white upon pale blue volutes are set against a dark blue background.
This composition contrasts with the shimmering chevron pattern of glazed bricks
in turquoise, blue, yellow and white covering the cylindrical minaret shaft.

The tomb of Alauddin Ahmad II was also covered with tiles, but only the arched
recesses of the principal facade contain enough to give some idea of the original
splendour. The technique here is cuerda seca, with designs of interlocking split-leaf
palmettes, leaves and stems, mainly blue and white contained within a yellow
border. (The motifs show considerable similarity to those on the fifteenth-century
cuerda seca mihrabs of the Green Mosque in Bursa and the Muradiyye mosque in
Edirne, the outstanding masterpieces of early Ottoman art, except that the Bidar
designs are even more energetic, rather like the effect of fluttering wings.)

Better preserved are the tiled panels on the tomb of Hazrat Shah Abul Faid
outside Bidar (Fig. ror). The main entrance is decorated with mosaic tiles in the
arch above the door — enclosed within a black basalt frame carved in spiral designs —
in the spandrels and on the side walls. These tiles are significant for the impressively
large scale of their motifs, reminiscent of carpet designs, and for the fact that they
represent the earliest instance of a specifically Deccani colour scheme. Along with
the turquoise, blue and white which we have already noted in the tilework of the
other Bidar monuments, uniquely Indian tones of rich mustard-yellow and grass-
green also make their appearance, colours repeated in later times, not only in the
Deccan but in Delhi, Lahore and Kashmir as well.

The later Baridi Shahs also used tiles extensively. The masterpiece of their

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tor Panel of tile mosaic over gateway, tomb of Shah Abul Faid, Bidar, 1474

contribution to this medium is the interior of the Rangin Mahal, one of the most
exquisitely decorated apartments ever built under Islamic rule in India. The
spacious columned hall once had its walls entirely covered with tilework, but this
only survives around the black basalt arched doorway leading into the royal
chamber (Fig. 98). Crossing this threshold, we pass into an enchanted world. The
dadoes are covered with superb mosaic tiles in elegantly restrained patterns (see
Colour Plate 13). The colours are mainly blue and white, with the inclusion of
mustard-yellow and grass-green. The nearly black basalt archways above the tiles
are inlaid with exquisite floral arabesque patterns in iridescent mother-of-pearl (see
Fig. 97). The modest dimensions of this royal chamber, its star-shaped plan, its rich
tilework and the pink and green tones of the mother-of-pearl sparkling in the
semi-darkness all contribute to an overpowering sense of fantasy and refinement,
like the mysterious atmosphere of early Deccani painting.

Yet further instances of Baridi tilework are seen in the mausoleum of Ali Barid
Shah at Bidar. Though the panels above the main arches here are now devoid of
tiles, perhaps never added, the interior of the sepulchral chamber still preserves
splendid mosaics with poetic quotations in thuluth style. Bands of Koranic texts on
the upper parts of the walls are animated by floral backgrounds and borders in blue,
turquoise, white and yellow.

Judging from the fragmentary evidence of surviving tilework, the Qutb Shahs of
Golconda were the ultimate Deccani patrons of this craft. Like their Turkman

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ancestors in the Middle East, they were fervent Shias and were much given to
constructing halls to accommodate the annual ceremonies commemorating the
martyrdom of Husain, the Prophet’s grandson. The finest of these Shia halls, the
Badshahi Ashurkhana in Hyderabad, was constructed in 1596 by Sultan Muham-
mad Quli Qutb Shah. In 1611 its interior walls were covered in mosaic tiles, the
finest in India, forming one of the most original decorative schemes of its kind
anywhere in the Muslim world. The Badshahi Ashurkhana tiles are arranged in
large panels, more than 3 metres high and more than 1 metre wide. The remarkably
brilliant colours are mainly blue and white, in addition to specifically Indian tones
of mustard-yellow and grass-green and a mellow terracotta. (These hues are almost
never seen in the Middle East, except for a brief period in the early sixteenth century
at Iznik where cuerda seca tiles containing similar greens and yellows were pro-
duced; they lack, however, the depth of tone so exceptional in the Deccani
examples.)

Three of the Badshahi Ashurkhana panels are noteworthy. One represents a giant
alam, a religious metal standard symbolising the battle standards carried by Husain
and his followers at Kerbala. This tear-shaped alam contains bold Arabic script,
written both right-side round and mirror reversed (see Colour Plate 14). It is
flanked by two smaller alams with addorsed roaring dragons and flame-like
projections, remarkably like the actual metal alams preserved in the adjacent
storeroom (see Fig. 181). A second panel has designs of staggered hexagons con-
taining jewel-like shapes connected by grand arabesque swirls (Fig. 102). Ona third
panel a massive pot-of-plenty overflows with twisting and turning vegetation (see
Colour Plate 15). The extravagance of these motifs coupled with the fluidity of their
design — the mosaic pieces are fitted so precisely that from a distance the panels
seem to be frescoed rather than tiled — produces an effect of delirious energy. It is
very likely that the royal tombs at Golconda were once entirely covered with mosaic
faience as well, as a small patch of similar tilework survives on the upper walls of the
tomb of Ibrahim Qutb Shah.

Underglaze painted tiles had less popularity in the Deccan than mosaic tiles.
There are, however, two tiles in the British Museum, London, with simple but
lively designs in underglaze cobalt blue and turquoise, said to have come from
Bijapur (Fig. 103). They resemble the cruder blue and white tiles of Sindh and
Punjab, but also show a connection with tiles from sixteenth-century Damascus.
The London pieces are similar to excavated fragments dug out of the palace of the
Bahmani governor at Goa which was destroyed with the arrival of the Portuguese.
(Comparable tiles decorated with designs of grape vines still adorn the walls of the
seventeenth-century convent of Santa Monica in Old Goa.)

Underglaze painted tilework with noticeably different motifs was introduced
into the Deccan by the Mughals. The most accomplished examples are the dadoes
inside the gateway to the Bibi-ka Maqbara at Aurangabad (Fig. 104). These are
decorated with tall vertical panels of flowering rosebushes, reminiscent of the

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102 Hexagonal designs, tile mosaic, Badshahi Ashurkhana, Hyderabad, 1611

103 Underglaze painted tiles, Bijapur, sixteenth century

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104 Flowering rose bushes, underglaze painted tiles, Bibi-ka Maqbara, Aurangabad, 1661

tiled flowers of the dargah of Shaykh Bakhtiyar Kaki in Delhi, added in the
redecoration of the complex by Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb. Although the designs of
the Aurangabad flowers are taken from the classical Mughal repertoire, their strange
palette of white, green and purplish-pink comes from the Deccani world.

WALL AND CEILING PAINTINGS

The record of paintings in Deccan palaces and tombs is even more incomplete than
that of coloured tilework. The only examples from the Bahmani era to be spared to
any extent are those that cover the interior walls and dome of Ahmad I’s mauso-
leum outside Bidar (Fig. 105). Though now much faded, the original vermilion and
gold scheme can still be made out. Panels below are filled with expanding geometric
patterns; bands above show cartouches of stylised arabesques and calligraphy in
superimposed thuluth and nastaliq. The dome is highlighted with concentric bands
of calligraphy, the outermost band interrupted by eight hexagons filled with the
name of Ali in kufic script and fringed with elegant palmettes of arabesque
ornament. The area of the dome around this composition is occupied by cartouches

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1os_ Painted ceiling, tomb of Ahmad I, Bidar, 1436

incorporating the names of the twelve Shia teachers in geometric kufic, as well as
flowering plants with curving stalks. These painted compositions are closely linked
to contemporary Timurid and early Ottoman carpet designs and manuscript
illustrations, once again demonstrating direct artistic contacts between the Deccan
and the Middle East.

Fragmentary remains at Bijapur indicate that painting also flourished under the
Adil Shahis. The carved mihrab in the Jami mosque preserves traces of extravagant
paintwork on crisply modelled gesso. The spandrels above the arch are filled with
leafy tendrils bursting into fanciful blue and purple flowers on a rich golden
background (Fig. 106). Here too are trompe-l’wil depictions of books in low relief,
painted rich golds and browns to suggest embossed leather bindings (Fig. 107). But
the glory of the mihrab is the treatment of the faceted part-dome, where cal-

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106 Arabesque, painted gesso on stone, mihrab, Jami mosque, Bijapur, 1636

ligraphic alams, some on chains, are surrounded by elegant leafy tendrils (see
Colour Plate 16). These magnificent compositions combine the formality of
Middle Eastern pictorial traditions with the luxuriant naturalism of the Deccan.

Murals in the Asar Mahal at Bijapur are of equal interest. The original courtly
purpose of this building, before its conversion into a sacred reliquary in 1646, is
revealed by wall paintings in one of the upper-floor chambers. Though now
severely damaged, the figures in these compositions have been identified as courtly
women and their attendants: seated on a throne, dressing a naked child, eating and
drinking, playing musical instruments, and receiving a man clad only in a thin piece
of cloth. The crowded scenes, the varied postures and the shaded limbs and
costumes have suggested to some observers the possibility of the involvement of
European artists. More likely, the paintings are the work of Deccani artists familiar
with foreign paintings or prints.

A second smaller upper-floor chamber in the Asar Mahal rivals the Rangin
Mahal at Bidar for its harmonious proportions and exquisite decoration. It brings
to mind those magical pavilions ‘painted by the artists of China’, metaphors of

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107. Trompe-l'wil books, painted gesso on stone, mihrab, Jami mosque, Bijapur

perfection, mentioned in Persian mystical poetry. Arched niches in this room have
their recesses painted with vases of plenty in shimmering gold and lapis lazuli (see
Colour Plate 12). These vases are composed of energetic arabesque patterns similar
to fifteenth-century Timurid design. (They are particularly close to the chinoiserie
fantasies of fifteenth-century scroll fragments representing exotic bridal processions
mounted in Album H.2153 in the Topkapi Saray, Istanbul.) Between these niches
are nineteenth-century patterns of flowering creepers painted over the original
designs.

Paintings on the walls and vaults of one of the pavilions at the pleasure resort at
Kummatgi can now only be studied through old photographs. They include
depictions of courtly pastimes, such as a polo match complete with horses and
players, wrestling, drinking and music-making. Europeans in formal dress, possibly
envoys to the Adil Shahi court, also appear, some posed beside a tree with curiously
shaped birds. The grouping of the figures as well as the deep shading of the limbs
and robes suggests a knowledge of European artistic traditions.

Substantial evidence for mural painting is available in Maratha architecture.
While the major pictorial compositions that adorned eighteenth-century palaces at

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Satara and Pune have now been lost, paintings of the period survive at lesser centres.
In many respects, they bear a close relationship to illustrations in contemporary
manuscripts. Mansions and temples at Wai preserve some of the finest Maratha
paintings. Wall panels in the Joshi Manavalikar Wada are dedicated to religious
topics, such as multi-armed Durga slaying the buffalo demon Mahisha, and
Krishna seated with a crowd of gopis. The style exploits traditional South Indian
conventions, but the floral borders, repeated on the throne on which Krishna sits,
are familiar from contemporary manuscripts. Panels in the Nana Phadnis Wada,
also at Wai, are closer to miniature painting. One scene shows women bathing
beneath a tree, the figures arranged in static postures. The walled garden in front
and the landscape beyond are delineated with little concern for depth. The
composition is set in a lobed recess animated with painted floral borders.

Wall panels in the Moti Baug at Wai are of greater merit. The paintings are
framed by graceful floral borders typical of the Maratha idiom. Both courtly and
religious topics appear, including a scene with Garuda and Hanuman worshipping
Vishnu. The figures stand in shrines complete with decorated columns, lobed
arches and multi-tiered pyramidal towers. Flowering trees beneath and cloudy skies
above derive from the miniature tradition. Another panel shows women at their
toilet, the figures seated within a formal palace-like setting. The colours are bright
and flat, exactly as on paper. Other paintings of the period are seen in temples at
Pune (see chapter 8), where wall niches and ceilings are invariably enhanced by

graceful floral borders.

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CHAPTER 5

MINIATURE PAINTING:
AHMADNAGAR AND BIJAPUR

AHMADNAGAR

The briefest and most mysterious phase of Deccani painting occurred at the late
sixteenth-century court of Ahmadnagar. Brief, because, all told, it lasted barely
three decades; mysterious, because we know nothing of its antecedents nor its
aftermath, nor even the identities of its principal artists and patrons. All that survive
are the illustrations to a historical manuscript which can be considered the ‘pre-
classical’ phase of the school, three great ‘classical’ portraits of remarkable power,
these latter amongst the most profound and subtle images India has produced, and
a handful of drawings which, although fine works of art in their own right and
obviously related to the three great portraits in style and costume, do not quite
measure up to them in expressive power. This artistic tradition — if a school of such
short duration can be termed a tradition — was a mere flash of artistic brilliance,
snuffed out by the Mughal conquest in 1600. We assume of course that the original
production of art at Ahmadnagar was substantially larger than what has survived
the vicissitudes of history, though we doubt that any of the Deccani centres
approached in quantity the output of the Mughal school.

The Nizam Shahis were the ruling dynasty, and three sultans seem to have been
generous patrons: Husain and his sons Murtaza I and Burhan II. The earliest
surviving paintings illustrate a manuscript of the history of the reign of Husain; the
text composed by Aftabi, entitled the Tarif-i Husain Shahi, is now in the Bharata
Itihasa Samshodhaka Mandala, Pune. Husain led the alliance with the sultans of
Golconda, Bijapur and Bidar which defeated the Hindu empire of Vijayanagara in
January 1565. He died five months later. The Tarif praises Husain and his wife
Khanzada Humayun, describes the defeat of the Vijayanagara army, but does not
mention the sultan’s death. We conclude that the manuscript was produced in
about 1565, between the sultan’s victory and his death.

The text stresses the rule of both Husain and Khanzada Humayun. Such political
prominence was rare for women in Islamic society in India and the Middle East,
and female portraiture did not exist. Female figures in Persian miniatures are the
heroines of poetic romance, not real women. The Tarif proves to be deeply
unorthodox and highly significant, for the queen herself appears in six of its twelve
illustrations! Five pages depict court life and one the ancient dohada theme: a tree
bursting into flower at the touch of a beautiful and virtuous woman. In the five
court scenes an indistinct form shares the sultan’s throne: it is a woman in an orange

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c. 1565

108 Sultan Husain Nizam Shah enthroned (Queen Khanzada Humayaun overpainted),
folio from the Tarif-i Husain Shahi, Ahmadnagar

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tie-died sari, the same figure as in the undamaged and exquisite dohada scene.
Partly scratched away but still visible, perched on the sultan’s knee like the consort
of a Hindu god, it must be Khanzada Humayun (Fig. 108).

The portraits document her rise and fall, for, like the other two Muslim women
who managed to rule India, Nur Jahan and Raziya Sultana, her fortunes ultimately
suffered a terrible reversal. Painted into the manuscript in 1565, at the height of her
influence, her figure must have been removed in 1569, when, after four years of rule
as regent, she was imprisoned by her rebellious son, anxious to accede to his father’s
throne. We further assume that the vandal, not realising that the heroine of the
dohada page was also the queen, as the king does not accompany her, left it
undisturbed.

A drawing of Sultan Husain Nizam Shah viewing an elephant, clearly related to
the Tarif; in the Salar Jang Museum, Hyderabad, and a remarkable painted and
lacquered wooden box in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, are the only other
works of art to have survived from Husain’s reign (Fig. 109). The trees, rocks and
flowers on the box are painted with the exuberance so noticeable in Deccani work,
and the dashing hunting and hawking figures have the facial types, squarish
‘handle-bar’ moustaches and costumes of the Tarif

This simple but vital style hardly prepares us for the next phase of Ahmadnagar
painting with its noble and realistic figures, subtle psychological insight and
astounding technical refinement. It is as if in one decade European painting made
the leap from provincial daubings to the accomplishments of the Renaissance!
Although we admit that much artistic production has certainly been lost, and with
it the missing links between these two very different styles, it is undeniable that a
sudden shift occurred immediately after the Tarif’ The sultans of Ahmadnagar
turned their backs on primitivism and began to patronise painters who were in the
artistic vanguard of the Islamic world: painters who were aware not only of stylistic
and technical developments at the Safavid and Mughal courts but of those in far-off
Europe as well.

Two portraits of the sultan of Anmadnagar, both inscribed Nizam Shah, painted
in about 1575, one in the Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris, the other in the State
Library, Rampur, encapsulate this new sophistication (see Colour Plate 2 and Fig.
110). Both are by the same anonymous hand whom we can call the Paris painter. In
the first, the young king, with adolescent down on his cheeks but with a fully grown
moustache, sits upon a gilded throne richly inlaid with mother-of-pearl. While he
offers gold to a courtier on the left, a young page, wearing a childishly tied turban,
runs up to the throne from the right to hand ‘pan’ to the king, the whole creating a
tight psychological unity rarely achieved in more formal Mughal portraiture. In the
Rampur picture the same king lounges on a canopied bed, gripping a cushion in the
classical Indian pose of royal ease; the image — all sinuous curves — is a relaxed
counterpoint to the official scene in Paris.

We are inclined to identify the two royal figures as Murtaza I on three counts.

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109 Royal figures hunting, side of a lacquered wooden box, Ahmadnagar, c. 1565

First, his reign was the cultural zenith of the state, when the poets Zuhuri and Urfi
emigrated from Iran to Ahmadnagar. Second, the king is very young, with his beard
still not fully grown, an appropriate appearance for Murtaza in about 1575, the date
we suggest for both works, when he was in his twenties, rather than for his brother
Burhan who succeeded him in 1591 at the age of 35. Third, the style is close to very
early Mughal paintings, especially to fol. 68b of the Ashiga manuscript, dated 1568,
where we see a similar scene, though mirror reversed, complete with an enthroned
prince and a short courtier running towards him. Mughal art of the 1590s, which
some see as the source for the mysterious Ahmadnagar style, had already passed into
a different phase by that date.

A third painting by the Paris painter completes his known euvre (Colour Plate

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0 Sultan Murtaza Nizam Shah relaxing, attributed to the Paris painter,
Ahmadnagar, ¢. 1575

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ut Running elephant, Anmadnagar, c. 1590-5

3). It presents an adolescent prince of 12 or 13, wearing the transparent white coat
and the gilt metal purse of Central Asian origin tied round his waist, both typical of
Deccani costume. The prince rides through a fantastic landscape of undulating
golden plants, while that magical ‘breeze’ so typical of later Deccani paintings wafts
through his garments and the horse’s mane. In all three works the figures are tall
and majestic, regally surrounded by abundant space. Their mood of noble gravitas
upholds the humanism of the Indian figural tradition, especially apparent in Gupta
sculpture of a thousand years before. Other details come from further afield. The
singing lyrical line and sparkling surfaces — the gold sashes and turban are tooled to
catch the light — are Persian refinements. Still other traits link this style to Europe.
The effulgent gold background of the Paris and Rampur pages, stippled in black

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around the human shapes, bears a striking resemblance to the conventions of
gold-ground Sienese paintings of the fifteenth century which may have entered the
Deccan through Portuguese Goa.

A small group of superb line drawings, with some colour, belong to a slightly
later phase of Ahmadnagar art, possibly the reign of Murtaza’s brother Burhan II.
He had spent years of exile at the Mughal court, and it is not surprising that the
style of these works reflects Mughal developments of about 1590. The Running
elephant, in an American private collection (Fig. 111), has the dashing mood of many
of Akbar’s illustrated manuscripts where the speed of the emperor’s actions are
stressed, so unlike the majestically measured rhythms of the Paris painter. But even
under Mughal influence there is a Deccani delight in the decorative potential of line
and texture — the curling trunk, the mottled hide, the curvaceous tail — which
dominates the image at the expense of those narrative values that so grip our
attention in Mughal historical painting.

In this respect the Royal picnic in the India Office Library, London, bows even
further to Mughal example (Fig. 112). Whereas the Paris painter presented symbols
of monarchy, first governing, then relaxing from the stresses of governing, here we
have an almost excessive recording of the details of a picnic laid out for the sultan,
probably Burhan Nizam Shah himself. Although the technique is refined and the
composition brilliantly unified, we can hardly deny that many of the details are but
spiritless adaptations of the Paris painter’s manner: the inlaid, but now preposter-
ously ornate throne, the page handing the sultan ‘pan’, the feathery but now
excessively curling sashes. We have seen them all before, rendered with considerably
more vigour.

The Royal picnic is probably by the same hand as the Running elephant, as the
facial types are identical and the dark knots in the stippled tree trunk next to the
throne are just like the cavity of the elephant’s ear, though lacking the latter’s
vivacity. We can only conclude that Ahmadnagar’s rich artistic tradition was
already showing signs of decay by the mid-1590s.

The most touching work of this late period is the Young prince embraced by a
small girl in the Edwin Binney 3rd Collection in the San Diego Museum (Fig. 113).
We sense that the Mughals are at the gates; a feast is laid, sumptuous platters and
flasks are spread out upon the floor, but only a young prince and his even younger
sister attend the banquet. She timidly grips his arm. He grandly beckons her
forward, but he is only a puppet, composed of elegant calligraphic lines, a Deccani
variation of the typical Persian beautiful youth. His face and his costume —
elongated sash, loosely tied turban and a metal purse hanging from a gold belt
round his waist — reveal his Ahmadnagar origins. We cannot be sure of the subject
of this enigmatic work. After Burhan’s death in 1595, there was a series of child kings
whose reigns usually ended in murder, real power remaining in the hands of
feuding regents. It may therefore portray one or the other of these unfortunate
kings, pawns in the power struggle which preceded the Mughal conquest of 1600.

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Ahmadnagar, c. 1590-5

Royal picnic,

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113 Young prince embraced by a small girl, Anmadnagar, ¢. 1580-95

NORTHERN DECCAN

One of the obstacles to a fuller understanding of Deccani art involves the splendid
group of late sixteenth-century ragamala paintings which, before 1983, were usually
ascribed either to the court of Bijapur or, more frequently, to Ahmadnagar. Now
that the court production of those two centres has come into clearer focus, we can
safely refute such connections, but we are, nevertheless, at a loss to provide
convincing alternatives.

It is not even possible to establish the exact number of surviving ragamala
pictures, for published accounts do not agree. Excluding the group which may have
been in the now dispersed Roerich Collection in Bangalore — unpublished and
unseen by the author — there may be as many as fifteen or sixteen pages. At present,
however, only nine can be definitely accounted for: Peacock in a rainstorm at night
(Fig. 114), Gauri ragini (Fig. 115), Hindola raga (Fig. 116), Sri raga, Patanasika

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rte

; Ge Anam em.
Bee PRAAGATAI 4 FaepeNannay MeMArs
AMAA TDI AAAI HR aeMATT HILAME
MRM AaAS our Henny BATE:

TRIM AMAZ
5 haga 2

114 Peacock in a rainstorm at night, northern Deccan, late sixteenth century

ragini, Dhanasri ragini, Kamghodi ragini, Prince and ladies in a garden house and
Malavi ragini. As there are enormous differences in format and quality, these
surviving pages must represent several different hands — some applying paint in a
most sophisticated manner while others are folk-level artists trying to adapt to a
new idiom — and they certainly represent more than one ragamala. It is important
to stress here these variations in quality, for in our opinion previous accounts have
not sufficiently done so. The first three examples described here are among the most
beautiful Indian paintings from any period, whilst the other six are decidedly lesser
works, and even at times surprisingly rough in execution.

The most dramatic is the fragmentary Peacock in a rainstorm at night, an
extraordinary image, about two thirds of the original page, which uses black for its
sombre setting (Fig. 114). The monsoon rains have begun. The male bird flies from
tree to tree shrieking his mating call and startling tiny birds roosting in the luxuriant
new foliage. As rain and peacocks invariably symbolise unrequited love in Indian
painting and poetry, the missing portion probably contained a love-sick heroine
whose lover has not come to their planned forest tryst.

Gauri ragini is undoubtedly by a different painter (Fig. 115). Giant trees grow in
sturdy circular masses, filled with leaves in repeating patterns. The girls’ tall,

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THY SANA Seer ee aM
sNRTETETTE : SESS NT SARG

u5 Gauri ragini, northern Deccan, late sixteenth century

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IRR AUMG TAG Sk MANA MART] OGL tli ee.
ITAumMIyr% Se MATA = saa cAhs shee
Se rare fanart: TAAR Te
TAA TR Tee Geeraar ee
\ he
sagen Wei Fave Taine ie aE a

116 Hindola raga, northern Deccan, late sixteenth century

elongated bodies and simple profiles are repeated in Hindola raga (Fig. 116). Both
works are probably by the same artist. His rich palette and monumental designs
create an effect of glowing magnificence — like medieval European stained glass —
quite different from the sinuous patterns of the Peacock.

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Despite their differences, all these pages have an earthy directness, quite unlike
the courtly atmosphere of most other great Deccani masterpieces. Some scholars
have assigned them to Ahmadnagar, but their naive charm has nothing in common
with the majestic humanism of that school’s great tradition of portraiture. However
the strong colours and simple figures of the Tarif-i Husain Shahi, previously noted,
do bear some similarity.

Other scholars have suggested Bijapur as a provenance chiefly on the unconvinc-
ing basis of Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah’s enthusiasm for music. Ibrahim actually
wrote a book of Urdu songs, the Kitab-i Nauras, which contains numerous
descriptions of ragas and raginis. However, the nine surviving ragamala paintings
do not match any of Ibrahim’s descriptions. Their inscriptions, in crude Sanskrit
and Persian, cannot possibly reflect the high cultural level at Ibrahim’s court where
such major Iranian poets as Urfi and Zuhuri worked. Significantly, none of the
paintings bears the slightest similarity to the style of portraiture known to have been
painted at Bijapur.

At present, circumstantial evidence suggests a provenance but cannot prove it.
The lyrical but uncomplicated style implies the work of a brilliant innovator
working at a provincial centre far from the courtly atmosphere of the Ahmadnagar
and Bijapur capitals. The Sanskrit inscriptions suggest a Hindu patron. Within the
whole range of Deccani art they most resemble the illustrations of the Tarif; which
in turn bear some similarity to the illustrated cookbook entitled the Nimat Namah
executed at Mandu, for the Khalji sultan of Malwa in the early sixteenth century.
Hindu influences from Rajasthan are strong. Many semi-independent Hindu rajas
lived in the northern Deccan, not far from Rajasthan and Central India, feudatories
of the Muslim sultans of Ahmadnagar, Khandesh and Berar. We believe that one of
these princes was the most likely patron of the ragamala paintings.

A related style of painting — usually with Hindu subject matter and ever-
increasing Mughal influence — continued throughout the seventeenth century in
northern Deccani centres. Some of the patrons were doubtless local Hindu rajas;
others were Rajasthani noblemen who served as officers in the Mughal army, for the
fort of Ahmadnagar and most of the northern Deccan fell under Mughal control in
1600. After that date the capital of the Mughal Deccan was shifted permanently to
Aurangabad.

Aurangabad became the centre of a hybrid Rajasthani-Deccani school of paint-
ing. A now dispersed ragamala found at Ghanerao, an outpost of the Jodhpur
kingdom in Rajasthan, and a Gita Govinda painted in an identical manner are the
main examples of this style (Fig. 117). Both sets were thought to have been executed
in Rajasthan until the discovery of an illustrated Rasamanjari, in a rougher version
of the same style, containing a colophon giving the invaluable information that it
was painted at Aurangabad in 1650 for a Mewari (and therefore Rajasthani) patron.
The style is essentially Rajasthani but uses a cool Deccani palette of blue, pink and
mauve that differs substantially from the warm colours typical of Rajasthani taste.

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7 Lalita ragini, northern Deccan, c. 1650

We therefore assume that the painters were Rajasthanis who, after having been
taken south by their patrons, began of necessity to use locally available pigments.
Vibhasa raga, a painting from a related ragamala, combines Rajasthani earthiness
with the charm and lyricism of the Deccan (Fig. 118).

At Burhanpur, as well, a school of painting may have developed in the mid-
seventeenth century which brought together extravagant Deccani shapes with large
areas of unmodelled colour typical of Malwa. A single ragamala set, now dispersed,
is the sole surviving example of this hybrid style; one page painted in strange tones
of black, pink, grey, blue and orange is in the Musée Guimet, Paris. Though the
overall format resembles that of so many Malwa ragamala illustrations, the em-
phatic shapes of flowers and creepers — and even the heroine’s profile — relate to
Deccani traditions.

Five folios of a ragamala set, formerly in the Khajanchi Collection, Bikaner, were
painted in the northern Deccan in the second half of the seventeenth century under
Mewari pictorial influence. They are now divided between the Bharat Kala Bhavan,
Varanasi, and the National Museum, New Delhi. Two other pages from the set are

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u8 Vibhasa raga, northern Deccan, c. 1675

in the Kronos Collection, New York. Gambhir raga, a surrealistic image of a
musical youth riding a giant fish in a lotus pond, of exactly the same dimensions,
may be the eighth known page of this ragamala, though the hand responsible for it
is considerably more fluid (Fig. 119).

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second half of seventeenth century

northern Deccan,

ug Gambhir raga,

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BIJAPUR: REIGN OF ALII

Compared to the brilliant but deplorably scanty remains of painting from Ahmad-
nagar and the northern Deccan, we enjoy a surprising abundance from Bijapur.
Although this body of material is still infinitely smaller than what survives of
Mughal and Rajasthani art, it is just enough to reveal the presence of several
extraordinary hands. Each of these painters, whilst working within the general
confines of the school, managed to project a strongly personal vision.

These remarkable developments belong almost entirely to the reigns of Ibrahim
Adil Shah II and to a lesser degree to the reigns of his successors during the mid to
late seventeenth century; before the last two decades of the sixteenth century
Bijapuri painting was a decidedly modest affair. In fact absolutely no painting can
be ascribed to Bijapur before the reign of Sultan Ali Adil Shah I. This ruler was
certainly a man of culture and patron of the arts, for Rafi uddin Shirazi, an émigré
Iranian and author of the Tazkira al-Mulk, a history of the Bijapur kingdom up to
1612, says that Ali I ‘had a great inclination towards the study of books and he had
procured many books connected with every kind of knowledge, so that a coloured
library had become full. Nearly sixty men, calligraphers, gilders of books, book
binders and illuminators were busy doing their work the whole day in the library’
(Joshi 1955:97).

The references to a ‘coloured’ library and ‘illuminators’ (could they be painters
or simply decorators?) are vague and do not give any precise information. Never-
theless, we can with assurance attribute a certain number of paintings to Ali’s
patronage. The most significant are in the manuscript entitled the Nujum al Ulum,
or Stars of Science, in the Chester Beatty Library, Dublin (Fig. 120, see also Fig. 173).
This book touches on various subjects, chiefly connected to astrology and magic.
The number of miniatures totals 400, or approximately 780 if zodiacal signs are
included. Some occupy a full page while others are mere marginal decorations. The
subjects of the illustrations vary enormously: angels, the signs of the zodiac,
talismans, sorcerers, the invocation of spirits, constellations, the celestial levels,
processions, demonesses, animals and weaponry. The manuscript is one of the few
dated landmarks of Deccani painting. A date equivalent to 1570-1 appears twice in
the text and also in a simplified colophon on the last page. A note by a former owner
within the text stating that the book once belonged to Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah H,
calling him by his self-bestowed title of jagat guru, or world teacher, suggests but
does not prove a Bijapur provenance.

In general the style of the illustrations is close to that of the Tarif-i Husain
Shahi from nearby Ahmadnagar. Female figures, especially, conform to South
Indian ideals of beauty with tall majestic bodies, massive gold jewellery and belts
(worn over saris) and enormously elongated eyes. It is in the male figures that we
see the first inkling of Mughal influence on Deccani art: costumes, turbans,
postures, as well as the convincing suggestion of mass and vigorous movement,

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120 Mother and child, page from the Nujum al Ulum, Bijapur, dated 1570-1

owe an enormous debt to the pictorial innovations of the early Akbari school.

Only two other illustrated books can be attributed to Ali’s reign. One on music
and dance, entitled the Javahir al Musigat-i Muhammadi, is in the British Library.
It contains forty-eight paintings in a crude version of the Nujum style and a
perplexing dedicatory note on fol. 4a to Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah. This note
must have been written later than the illustrations, considering the latter’s thor-
oughly sixteenth-century style. The second work, also on a musical theme, is a
Marathi commentary on Sarangadeva’s Sangita-Ratnakara in the City Palace
Museum, Jaipur. It contains four miniatures closely related to both the Nujum and
the Javahir style, but more energetic and closer to a Deccani folk idiom, with little
Islamic flavour. One painting, executed in a rapid sketchy manner, perfectly
captures the excited rhythms of the Indian dance.

BIJAPUR: REIGN OF IBRAHIM II

Contemplating the rich bounty of nearly seventy miniatures which have come
down to us from late sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Bijapur is like throwing a
window wide open upon an enchanted world. No doubt Ahmadnagar and north-
ern Deccani pictures are equally magical, but merely a fraction of the original

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production of those two kingdoms has survived the vicissitudes of history. From
Bijapur, brooding landscapes and idealised forms intrigue us in abundance, no less
through expressive line and colour than by the noble, introspective expressions of
the human figures depicted.

The mystical temperament of Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah II, the patron of the
greatest of these works, gave a strong imprint to the production of the school. In
certain ways, he reminds us of his older contemporary, the Mughal emperor Akbar.
Just as Akbar transformed Mughal art, Ibrahim elevated Bijapur painting to a level
of expressive power and technical refinement that rivalled the greatest Mughal and
Safavid works, but with an atmosphere of mystery that had no place in the classic
phases of the other schools. Ibrahim was a dreamer, with an almost morbid
sensitivity to art and music. He was the product of a hybrid civilisation. It is hard to
label him either a Muslim or a Hindu; rather he had an aesthete’s admiration for
the beauty of both cultures. Hinduism fascinated him and, as already noted, he
adopted the title of jagat guru, possibly emulating Akbar who founded a syncretic
religion and placed himself at the head of it. Ibrahim wears a necklace of rudraksha
beads, the dried berries worn by Hindu sages, in most of his portraits.

Unlike Akbar, however, Ibrahim was not politically aggressive. His own writ-
ings, and those of his courtiers, touch on artistic or mystical subjects, never on
conquest or everyday affairs of state — the meat of Mughal historiography — so that
we know much less about the Deccan than about the Mughal empire. The pensive
and sometimes melancholy paintings he commissioned must have struck a respon-
sive chord in this curious man’s soul. Less realistic than Mughal miniatures and
laden with strong feelings, they suggest that emotion was everything for Ibrahim
Adil Shah.

A few Deccani accounts shed light on Ibrahim’s role as patron of the arts and the
atmosphere at his court. The most revealing is the Seh Nathr (The Three Essays) by
Zuhuri, the Persian poet laureate, and the Kitab-i Nauras, a collection of songs
written by the sultan himself in Deccani Urdu. The Seh Nathris a trilogy composed
of the Nauras (the Persian preface to the sultan’s Urdu work of the same name), the
Gulzar-i Ibrahim (The Rose Garden of Abraham) and the Khan-i Khalil (The Table
of the Friend of God). The first two essays praise the sultan and his talents while the
third celebrates the members of his court.

Zuhuri describes Ibrahim as an outstanding musician, painter and calligrapher
and an energetic patron of the arts, keen to attract artists from the entire world: ‘No
thorn in the path of Art ever pierced a man’s foot but he picked up gardens of
flowers .. . from [Ibrahim’s] favour... [and] . . . had Egypts of sugar cast into his
throat by the. . . [royal] . .. munificence’ (Ghani 1930:465).

Zuhuri explains the mysterious word nauras, which cast a spell upon Ibrahim
that lasted throughout his life, as a mixture of the ‘nine juices’, or emotional
essences of Indian aesthetic theory. He points out that although Ibrahim is a virtual
slave to all the arts, music is by far his first love. Zuhuri lists among Ibrahim’s six

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courtiers, all outstanding men in their fields, the painter Farrukh Husain. Though
nothing specific is divulged about Farrukh Husain’s style the description is
glowing:

The fourth [courtier] is Maulana Farrukh Husain: than whose painting nothing better can
be imagined. The expert painters take pride in being his pupils, and having adopted the
outline of his plain sketch as their model put their lives under obligation. From the sight of
his black pen the green haired [the beautiful] have learnt wiles. The freshness of his painting
has put the portrait of the beautiful to shame, and has thrown it into the whirlpool of . . .
jealousy . . . That magical painter has put in motion the breeze which throws aside the veil
from the face of the beautiful. (Ghani 1930:462-3)

A certain amount of information can be gleaned from this passage. It is probable
that Farrukh Husain was the master painter of the royal atelier at Bijapur and that
he influenced the style of lesser artists working there. Moreover, he may have drawn
outlines to which his followers applied colour, just as in the Mughal workshops the
great masters drew outlines of figures and other painters coloured them in. Lastly,
the very mention of a painter’s name amongst the sultan’s favourites proves the high
status of some artists in Muslim India at this time, contrary to their relatively low
position in later centuries. Such high rank certainly continued under Ibrahim’s
successor Muhammad from whose reign a remarkable darbar scene has survived,
celebrating the award of a special honour to one of the sultan’s painters (see Fig.
131).

Ibrahim’s own writings, gathered together under the title Kitab-i Nauras, offer us
a glimpse of his unique personality and the religiously relaxed tenor of his court. In
highly Sanskritised language he sings of his regard for Hindu deities, the ragamala,
the pangs of separation when he has to leave, even for a moment, his favourite
elephant Atash Khan and his tambur, or stringed instrument, Moti Khan. He
showers equal praise upon Sarasvati, Hindu goddess of learning, the Prophet
Muhammad and the Deccani Muslim saint Gesudaraz buried at Gulbarga. Perhaps
the most astounding passage occurs in the 56th song where he describes himself as a
Hindu god:

In one hand he. . . [holds] a musical instrument, in the other, a book which he reads and
sings songs related to the Nauras. He is robed in saffron-coloured dress, his teeth are black,
the nails are red . . . and he loves all. Ibrahim, whose father is god Ganesh and . . . mother
pious Sarasvati, has a rosary of crystal round his neck, a city like Vidyapur [Bijapur] and an
elephant as his vehicle. (Ahmad 1956:146)

Such songs almost certainly formed the subject matter of Bijapur painting. The
portrait in the Naprstek Museum, Prague, for example, corresponds to this self-
description, for Ibrahim is depicted holding his tambur Moti Khan, with a rosary
round his neck, nails lacquered red and two elephants and a tiny cityscape —
probably Bijapur itself — in the background (see Fig. 125). He appears in similar
guise in nearly all other surviving portraits.

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atone Me 5S Ces Haye) 2s
121 Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah I, attributed to the Bikaner painter, Bijapur, 1590

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Procession of Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah If, attributed to the Bikaner painter,

122

1595

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Despite Zuhuri’s praise, Firishta’s historical chronicles and the sultan’s own
songs, Ibrahim remains a mysterious figure — like his paintings. The precise
accounts of the Mughal court do not exist for the Deccan, whose history remains
the realm of fantasy and conjecture. And whereas Mughal painting clearly illumi-
nates the Mughal world through realistically observed detail, Deccani art presents
us with an exotic civilisation seen through the charmed mirror of poetry.

The earliest painting of the reign is of a plump, rosy-cheeked youth wearing a
conical turban and a splendid emerald necklace (Fig. 121). The elegant nastaliq
inscription on the turban confirms that he is Ibrahim. Zuhuri repeatedly connected
Ibrahim with the prophet Ibrahim, known as khalil, the ‘friend’ of God, and in fact
entitled his third essay about Ibrahim’s court the Khan-i Khalil. It is not surprising
then that the inscription reads: “He is Khalil. The oyster shell of the heavens
contains nothing like thee. Faridun and Jan have no son like thee.’

The sultan’s sprouting facial hair — his moustache but not his beard is nearly
fully grown — suggests an age of at least 16, or even older. The painting probably
dates from 1590 when the king defeated his regent and assumed real power at the
age of 19.

The same artist, whom we can dub the Bikaner painter, was responsible for the
portrait of Ibrahim walking with his courtiers, in the Bikaner Palace Collection
(Fig. 122). With the opulence typical of Deccani taste, the figures are loaded with
sumptuous scarves, robes and jewellery. The inscription on the verso in Rajasthani
Hindi, added a century after the execution of the portrait, identifies the king as
Ibrahim. It states that this picture — like many other paintings and objects in the
same collection - was taken from the Deccani fort of Adoni by the Mughal
besieger, Maharaja Anup Singh of Bikaner, and then checked into his collection in
1691. As in the previous work, Ibrahim wears his tall, conical turban, his face is
heavily shaded and the palette includes vivid blue, red, orange and abundant gold.
The chief difference here is Ibrahim’s youthful infatuation with Hinduism. He
now sports a luxuriant beard, hair tumbles out from behind his turban, and his
necklace, though still of the same design, is no longer of emeralds but of rudraksha
berries. In the earlier work he is still the pampered adolescent, while here he is a
mystically inclined young man, long haired and indifferent to jewellery. From
now on all his portraits depict him wearing this rosary of berries round his neck,
just as he describes himself in the 56th song of the Kitab-i Nauras already referred
to.

By the early seventeenth century two broad stylistic strands had emerged within
the Bijapur school. Some artists, keenly sensitive to Iranian taste, used the Islamic
arabesque and the paradise garden setting to a lyrical effect rarely surpassed in the
Middle East. Others, like the Bikaner painter, earthier and more Indian, chose
instead the idealised human form as their means of expression. The culmination of
this latter strand is the work of a brilliant artist whom we can call the Bodleian
painter, after his Sufi receiving a visitor in the Bodleian Library, Oxford (see

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Frontispiece). His achievements may be termed deeply humanistic in the sense that,
as in many of the greatest works of European art, interest in the human condition is
central to his vision. The dignified calm of his figures forms part of the classic phase
of Deccani art.

The Bodleian composition stuns us with its mood of total peace, surely a
reference to the saint’s great piety. Sombre tonalities suggest the mysteries of the
spiritual world. The sufi, with long hair and nails, receives the silent attention of a
devotee while a pet white parrot perches in a tree. Nearby, four gilt alams inject a
Shia connection. The bearded visitor, with a prominently hooked nose, wearing the
white cloak of a penitent, humbly awaiting the saint’s blessing, strongly resembles
portraits of Ibrahim Adil Shah. This picture may commemorate the important
event of this sultan’s visit to a powerful dervish at a critical moment in his reign.

The Bodleian painter was equally at home within the palaces of power. His Stout
courtier in the British Museum, London, examines a veteran of politics (see Colour
Plate 6). Clothed in the finest muslin robes and a Kashmiri shawl, he is undoubted-
ly a man of action: proud, resolute and accustomed to giving orders, to judge by his
face and stance. As in the Bodleian picture, there is an atmosphere of majestic
stillness, as if our courtier is meditating upon some newly discovered truth. His
hands are folded like those of the white-garbed penitent, the same plants line the
bottom of the picture space, and a characteristic zone of shadow around the
contours of each form gives the illusion of space and roundness. We discern the
growing influence of Mughal portraiture which similarly isolates subjects against a
void, but while Mughal portraits are often stiff, here textiles and plants sway with
exotic rhythms.

The theological side of Bijapur court life is represented by the Mullah in the
India Office Library, London, also attributable to the Bodleian artist (Fig. 123). Asa
member of the ulama, or interpreters of divine law, this figure was part of the
orthodox Muslim establishment, opposed to the wild sufi we saw living in the
jungle. The formal perfection of this scene has the qualities of a Chardin still life:
shawl, beard, finger-ring, cane, irises and partridges balance each other in flawless
harmony which gives this figure a tremendous, though lonely, dignity.

The same artist’s portrait of Ibrahim in the British Museum shows considerably
less interest in exploring the subject’s mood (see Fig. 2). Instead he aims to produce
an effect of lyrical and seductive perfection. Ibrahim is like a puppet, but how
beautiful are his raiments and how enchanting is his garden! His fingers are long
and elegant, his eyes are almond-shaped and his feet are minuscule and encased in
golden slippers. Although the work is uninscribed, the subject can hardly be anyone
other than Ibrahim. The full beard, conical turban and necklace of rudraksha
berries establish his identity, while the castanets in his left hand refer to his passion
for music. Here, as in the other paintings, diaphanous robes sway, as if caught in a
breeze, and the sultan extends the small finger of his left hand in the same gesture as
the mullah holding the Koran.

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123. Mullah, attributed to the Bodleian painter, Bijapur, c. 1610

The Fighting cranes in the Musée Guimet, Paris, is the only surviving animal
study by this painter of portraits (Fig. 124). The jewel-like flowers against the
mysterious dark green background, the wind-bowed reeds and the thick white paint
of the cranes’ bodies, now flaking, are characteristic of his work. All the paintings
which can be attributed to this gifted artist, including the Fighting cranes, but with
the exception of the Bodleian picture, are approximately the same size, averaging 17
by 10 centimetres. Originally they may have formed part of a splendid Bijapur
album which included portraits of the major figures at court.

One of the greatest images in Indian or Islamic art is Lbrahim Adil Shah I
hawking mounted in the St Petersburg album in the Institute of the Peoples of Asia,
Academy of Sciences, St Petersburg (see Colour Plate 1). The sultan majestically
rides his hennaed horse through a magical meadow of swaying trees and star-like
flowers. Paint is applied to the surface in ‘pointilliste’ dabs. Rocks swarm with
bizarre faces and animal shapes. An elegant nastaliq inscription just above the large
tree on the upper right identifies the subject as a ‘portrait of the emperor Ibrahim
Adil Shah’. A date of 1590 is likely, as the king has not yet grown a beard.

The St Petersburg artist rivalled the Bodleian painter in power, but worked in a
more Islamic style with a fondness for arabesque ornament, calligraphic line and

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ONC Bisa

124 Fighting cranes, attributed to the Bodleian painter, Bijapur, c. 1610-20

paradise garden settings. His faces, as in Iranian art, show little emotion or
individuality, but his ability to create an atmosphere of unparalleled rapture and
fantasy more than compensates.

He may be Farrukh Husain. An inscription above the horizon on the right edge
of the picture space, almost cut off by remounting, gives the name of the artist
responsible as Farrukh Beg, a well-known Mughal artist who worked for Akbar and
Jahangir. Now it is quite possible that Farrukh Beg and Farrukh Husain are one and
the same artist. However, it is also likely that this inscription was written at the
Mughal court after the painting had left the Deccan prior to its departure for Iran —
where it was incorporated in the eighteenth century into the album in which it is
still located — for it was not the custom for Deccani paintings to bear signatures or
written attributions to artists. As an inscription added to a painting far in time and
place from its execution cannot be entirely reliable, we regard it with caution while
not disputing its significance and possible veracity.

The portrait of Ibrahim in the Naprstek Museum, Prague, is closely related (Fig.
125). As he has now grown a beard, it must be later, c. 1595-1600. He plays his
beloved tambur and wears the customary rudraksha necklace. The hint of a
European distant vista, first noticed at the top of the St Petersburg painting, is here
carried further. Trees are reduced in scale and executed in transparent washes of
colour. The artist must have been familiar with European prints and oil paintings,
which Ibrahim may have obtained from Portuguese Goa, a mere 250 kilometres
from Bijapur.

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125 Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah I playing the tambur, Bijapur, c. 1595-1600

This painting also bears important inscriptions. It has been pasted onto a folio of
a Mughal album which once belonged to the emperor Jahangir. A Persian inscrip-
tion on the folio identifies the king as ‘Ibrahim Adil Khan Deccani, governor of
Bijapur’ and attributes the work to the hand of Farrukh Beg, painted in 1610-11.
The fact that the inscription is Mughal not Deccani — the Mughals always referred
to the Deccani kings as khans, or governors, not sultans or shahs — detracts from its
reliability but, like the St Petersburg inscription, again raises the possibility that
Farrukh Beg and Farrukh Husain are the same person.

Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah II riding an elephant, by the same artist, is in a looser
style probably because of its diminutive size (Fig. 126). The animal may be
Ibrahim’s favourite, Atash Khan, whom he praises in the Kitab-i Nauras. Behind
Atash Khan stands a smaller elephant, probably Chanchal, his mate. In this Iranian
garden setting, European influences are strong: thin washes of colour at the top
suggest a distant vista, earthy European colours have replaced Persian iridescence,

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126 Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah II riding an elephant, Bijapur, c. 1600-10

and the groom, in the lower right-hand corner, wearing European cape and knee
breeches, has been taken from a Western source.

Atash Khan lumbers through a meadow in another painting by the same hand
(Fig. 127). Ethereal flowers and trees provide a delicate counterpoint to the animal’s
great bulk. The groom, gracefully approaching the elephant with armloads of hay,
wearing semi-European dress, derives from representations of Summer in six-
teenth-century Dutch prints of the Four Seasons. This luminous meadow has as
much in common with the backgrounds of Flemish paintings as with the gardens of
Iranian art.

A very small picture of a horse and groom in the Victoria and Albert Museum,
London, continues this European-inspired theme and must again be by the same
hand (Fig. 128). Compared to the previous four paintings, the main difference here
is that the artist — we may call him the St Petersburg painter or Farrukh Husain or
Farrukh Beg with equal justification — is clearly moving away from the highly
finished style of his youth towards a freer, more abstract idiom. He now uses only
the thinnest washes of colour for distant trees and constructs foreground plants
with delicate dabs of paint. The picture may date from c. 1610, or later.

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127. Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah’s favourite elephant Atash Khan, Bijapur, c. 1600-10

Another group of paintings, all by the same hand, formerly attributed to either
Golconda or Ahmadnagar, can now be firmly placed within the Bijapur domain.
They include the Yogini in the Chester Beatty Library (Fig. 129), the Siesta and the
Ascetic visited by a yogini, both in the Islamisches Museum, Berlin (see Colour Plates
4and 5), the Kiss in the Topkapi Saray, Istanbul, and the Madonna and child in the
Freer Gallery of Art, Washington. All are developments of the simple yet bold style
of the illustrations of a Deccani Urdu manuscript in the British Library, entitled the
Pem Nem (The Law of Love). \ts Bijapur provenance is undeniable, for its author
Hasan Manjhu Khalji describes in first-hand detail the city of Bijapur, Ibrahim Adil
Shah, his tambur Moti Khan, his elephant Atash Khan and the Kitab-i Nauras.

The hand responsible for the opening illustration, fol. 46a, is by far the most
talented of the many painters who worked on the book. This page, which depicts an
adolescent prince seated in a green meadow beneath a castle on a crag, in front of a
dark-skinned yogini, is so similar to the Dublin Yogini that the same hand may be
responsible for both. But whereas the former is merely illustrative and exotically
pretty, with little real character, the latter haunts us with sinister enchantment: she
is a real sorceress wearing extravagant jewels and whispering to a black bird, an evil
omen. Fantastic plants undulate beside her. Her face is swarthy and Medusa-like.

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128 Groom calming a horse, Bijapur, c. 1610

The picture’s dark ambiguities may symbolise the seductive heresies that rivalled
Islam for the allegiance of Ibrahim Adil Shah.

The same artist, whom we can call the Dublin painter, executed a second
masterpiece, now in Berlin, of a young prince dozing in a garden. The composition
was dubbed the Siesta when first published many years ago, and the name has
remained attached to it (see Colour Plate 4). Unlike the Yogini we see nothing
malign here; this is only a sultry but elegant afternoon in the relaxed atmosphere of
Ibrahim’s court. The art of living was obviously so important to the Deccanis that
such ‘unserious’ pursuits became a major theme of art. It is as if the task of ruling
and the stress of conquest which so obsessed the Mughals and provided the subject
for so many of their paintings did not exist in the south. As the sleeping prince
resembles Ibrahim when he was still beardless, the Siesta may be an idealised
portrait of the sultan shown as a beardless youth, the conventional ideal of beauty in
Persian literature, although the picture must date from the early seventeenth
century.

The Ascetic visited by a yogini, also in Berlin, is probably by the same artist a
decade or so later (see Colour Plate 5). Shading has hardened into firm patterns, and

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129 Yogini, attributed to the Dublin painter, Bijapur, early seventeenth century

colours are darker. Gold and lapis lazuli are used more abundantly and the distant
vista — so ethereal in earlier pictures — has now become crowded with figures and
pavilions, suggesting the hubbub of the world which the saint had fled. He turns
away from it, and also from the yogini, who, with palms together in the Indian
gesture of adoration, tries to make the holy man into an object of worship.

A similar theme is explored in Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah II venerates a learned suft
(Fig. 130). The sultan humbly poses as the sufi’s servant, bearing a bejewelled water

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130 © Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah LI venerates a learned sufi, written attribution to the
painter Ali Reza, Bijapur, c. 1630

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flask and a spittoon. This image reminds us of Ibrahim’s piety and attachment to
dervishes, first suggested by the Bodleian picture. The fully rounded forms, rigidly
architectural setting and heavily shaded faces look forward to trends in mid-
seventeenth-century Bijapur painting and must, therefore, date from the last years
of Ibrahim’s reign. The attribution written on the eighteenth-century mount to Ali
Reza cannot refer to the Bikaner artist of the same name whose Rajasthani work has
nothing in common with the style of this picture.

BIJAPUR: REIGNS OF THE LATER SULTANS

The partition of Ahmadnagar between the Mughal empire and Bijapur in 1636
brought a large Mughal military force into the northern and central Deccan.
Among the many Rajput princes serving as governors and officers in the imperial
army were the maharajas of Bundi, Kotah and Bikaner. The successive maharajas of
Kotah, for example, spent nearly all their lives in the Deccan during the seventeenth
and early eighteenth centuries. Such grand princes brought their wives, relatives
and servants. It is certain that painters accompanied them as well so that the
maharajas could continue their role as patrons of the arts from the magnificent tents
in which they lived.

The proximity of so many Mughal and Rajput patrons and artists transformed
Bijapur taste. Mughal art was relatively naturalistic: favourite themes were portrait-
ure or the recording of real events, contemporary or historical. The artist’s name
and the subject of the picture were often identified through inscriptions written by
either the artist, the patron or a library clerk. The Deccani painter, who was up to
then almost always anonymous, sought instead to establish moods and, therefore,
shunned realistic colours and shapes. Portraiture was extremely popular, but
conventional ideals of beauty won out over the physical likeness of the subject, who
is, moreover, rarely identified in inscriptions.

With the arrival of the Mughals and Rajputs, differences between the art of
North India and the Deccan began to fade, though they never completely disap-
peared. Mughal-style portraiture, with subjects placed against a stark background,
restrained in line and colour, gained popularity. Most Bijapur painting from the
reign of Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah retains the brilliant decorative sense of the
Deccan, but the romantic atmosphere of earlier work declines. Nevertheless, the
subjects’ expressive gestures and sidelong glances and the vibrant Deccani colours
inject a vitality that is often lacking in northern art. Curiously, there is also a new
interest in historical record as if the Deccanis were trying to challenge the victorious
Mughals at their own game; several paintings of the mid-seventeenth century are
signed and a few are even dated!

Until recently there was very little evidence that Mughal artists had emigrated to
the courts of the Deccani sultans. A painting in the Sidhu Collection in California,
however, suggests that at least one Mughal painter — and a remarkably talented one

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131 Darbar of Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah, inscribed as the work of Muhammad Khan,
son of Miyan Chand, Bijapur, dated 1651

at that — was working at Bijapur early in Muhammad’s reign (see Colour Plate 7). It
is clearly a portrait of Muhammmad as a young man, as a comparison with the few
inscribed portraits of this sultan proves. As he was born in 1613 and seems barely
more than 20 years old here, we can date the portrait to about 1635.

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The figure of the sultan is clearly modelled after the imagery developed for Shah
Jahan and could only have been executed by an artist from the Mughal atelier. The
sultan’s turban, belt and dagger, and even the posture of his body, are so like
Bichitr’s famous portrait of Shah Jahan in the Victoria and Albert Museum, dated
1632, that they could have been drawn from the same charba, or pounce, a piece of
paper or thin vellum pricked with holes used for tracing. Our Mughal artist must
have arrived in the Deccan shortly before executing this portrait, for he has
assimilated nothing of the local style. Later Mughal input assumes a Bijapur
flavour, as in the darbar scene of 1651 which has stronger colours and more vibrant
lines (Fig. 131).

The Sidhu portrait is probably an uneasy alliance of two artists from different
backgrounds. The drawing of the sultan is coolly Mughal, but the colours are South
Indian and rich, and above all the background is amongst the wildest and most
mysterious in all of Deccani art. Muhammad wears a canary yellow shawl over a
glistening gold and silver ikat coat and stands before a mauve sky. Star-like flowers
sparkle at his feet. The bird-filled tree is painted in the local ‘pointilliste’ technique.
The sultan listens to a parrot, considered in India to be capable of transmitting
secrets. A conch shell lies at his feet, while by his side a pillar supports a porcelain
cup and a glass carafe filled with blood-red wine. The image must have had a
symbolic meaning understood by the initiated few at court and lost to us now. All
these details, but especially the feeling of intense energy pouring out from the
natural world behind the sultan’s cool facade, remind us of the brilliant artist who
worked for Ibrahim II whom we have called the Bodleian painter. We believe a
Mughal artist using a charba of Shah Jahan drew the face and figure of the sultan in
the latest Mughal fashion. The Bodleian painter, prized for his ability to create lush
romantic moods, coloured the figure and filled in the background.

It is interesting to note the gradual absorption of northern influences. In the
darbar scene of the same sultan in the Jaipur collection there is no longer a question
of a purely Mughal figure against a purely Deccani landscape; instead we have a
more integrated composition (Fig. 131). Although Mughal conventions are still
strong in facial types and costumes, the rich palette of maroon, orange, bright blue
and moss-green is Deccani. Moreover, the informal pose of the sultan on a bed-like
throne, a traditional South Indian convention, and the expressive gestures of the
nobles charge the scene with an energy that would be out of place in a Mughal
picture.

The Persian inscription on the scroll held by the courtier directly beneath the
throne, which gives both the date and the artist’s name, is crucial for our recon-
struction of the Deccani schools, as no other signed and dated work from before the
late eighteenth century is known. The date corresponds to 1651. The courtier
holding the scroll points exactly to the painter’s name, ‘Muhammad Khan, son of
Miyan Chand’. His gesture reinforces the picture’s significance as a pictorial
announcement of a royal grant to the artist and suggests that the figure in question

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132 Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah and Ikhlas Khan riding an elephant, signed by Haidar
Ali and Ibrahim Khan, Bijapur, mid-seventeenth century

is Muhammad Khan himself. If he is the artist, then this is one of the very few
Indian self-portraits. It strongly implies that the master painters at Bijapur enjoyed
prestigious positions at court, similar to the rank held by Farrukh Husain earlier in
the century at the court of Ibrahim I, for the artist’s jewellery and robes are as
sumptuous as those of the other courtiers.

Muhammad Khan obviously specialised in court portraiture for his hand is
noticeable in paintings in the India Office Library, in the British Museum, in the
Jaipur Collection and in the collection of Edwin Binney 3rd. According to the
inscription, revenue from the town of Tib [?] will provide the painter with a daily
income of half a hun, the currency used in South India and the Deccan. A second
Persian inscription, obscured by repainting, is barely visible between the skirt of the
throne and the great floral meander at the bottom of the painting. It also attributes
the painting to ‘Muhammad Khan, son of Miyan Chand’, and can be deciphered

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only because it is identical to the undamaged inscription on another portrait of the
same sultan in the Jaipur Collection.

Most of the other courtiers are not easily identifiable because of the rarity of
inscribed Bijapur portraits. The noble standing behind Muhammad Khan is Sayyid
Nurullah, who appears opposite the sultan in a double portrait in the tiny Divan of
Urfi, dated 1636, now in an American private collection. The stout, dark-skinned
courtier gesturing towards the king is definitely the African vizier, Ikhlas Khan, who
dominated both his feeble master and the kingdom. The noble holding the turban
pin across from the sultan is shown in an identical pose in a painting in the India
Office Library, though we do not yet know his name.

Muhammad Khan’s work, undeniably competent, informative and colourful, is
staid in comparison to the portrait of Muhammad Adil Shah and Ikhlas Khan, his
Habshi vizier, astride a richly caparisoned elephant, in the Sir Howard Hodgkin
Collection, London (Fig. 132). We are immediately struck by the fluid contours of
the animal’s body and the magnificent colours: the background is vivid blue, Ikhlas
Khan wears a silver-grey coat strewn with pink blossoms and the sultan is entirely
dressed in gold, the surface of his robe pricked with a stylus to catch the light. We
are reminded of earlier portraits from Ibrahim’s reign, though now Mughal
precision and restraint have replaced the earlier mood of fantasy.

An inscription running up the lower left-hand side of the page, written in elegant
gold naskh, gives the names of two hitherto unknown artists: Haidar Ali and
Ibrahim Khan. We know for certain that at the Mughal court some painters
specialised in drawing outlines, others in colouring those outlines and still others in
painting faces. This inscription suggests a similar arrangement at Bijapur, but we do
not yet know which portion of the work was allotted to which artist, information
usually included in Mughal inscriptions. A portrait of this sultan’s grandson,
Sikandar, in the Custodia Collection, Paris, also bears a written attribution to two
artists, one of whom is Ibrahim Khan, but again the inscription fails to inform us
about the precise division of labour.

The most ambitious work to have survived from the reign of Muhammad Adil
Shah is a large drawing touched with colour and gold depicting an assembly of what
must have been a large part of the Bijapur court (Fig. 133). The sultan performs
religious rites in a grand chamber before a sanctuary richly hung with flowers
containing a golden casket inscribed with the names of Allah and Muhammad. At
the sultan’s feet lies a dhup-dan, or incense burner, loaded with burning sticks that
perfume the hall. Some forty-two courtiers stand in a circle around the sultan,
including Ikhlas Khan. A curious dervish behind the sultan wears a conical hat
inscribed with holy names. Most of the notables stand in rigid poses of religious
propriety with grave expressions on their faces; in fact the drawing is formal to the
point of stiffness, a mood that may have been thought appropriate to the solemnity
of the occasion. Some nobles, however, implore the sultan with open mouths while
others cry out with pious fervour. One man even faints away in ecstasy. A tiny

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133 Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah and courtiers performing religious rites in the Asar
Mahal, signed by Abdul Karim, Bijapur, mid-seventeenth century

inscription on the open book held by the third figure below Ikhlas Khan gives the
painter’s name, Abdul Karim.

The casket in this painting is probably the famous reliquary containing hairs
from the Prophet’s beard enshrined in the Asar Mahal, the immense palatial relic
house just outside the citadel at Bijapur. The tall ribbed pilasters, the large ogivally
arched windows and the lattice-work above the windows are still clearly recognis-

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able in the interior of the actual edifice. The ceremony depicted must be the annual
viewing of the Prophet’s hairs, the most significant Muslim festival at Bijapur, even
today. The flower-decked sanctuary, the incense, the assembly of the court and the
decoration of the chamber strewn with superb Iranian and Indian carpets — still
kept in the storeroom of the shrine and in the local museum ~ are all appropriate for
the celebration of this event. It is curious how Deccani taste moved away from the
fantasy of the pictures done for Ibrahim II to the almost excessive recording of
detail of this painting without ever accepting the restrained realism of Mughal art.

Two Bijapur flower paintings, very different from one another, exemplify
Muslim delight in floral and abstract design in preference to figural art. The floral
fantasy in the Sidhu Collection, composed of delicate palmettes, flame-like sprouts
and Timurid-inspired lotuses, explodes with the rhythm and energy of the tradi-
tional Islamic arabesque (Fig. 134). It has more in common with the taste of
Ibrahim’s reign than that of Muhammad’s era. The great floral vase in the Hodgkin
Collection is, on the other hand, characteristic of mid-seventeenth-century Bijapur
(Fig. 135). (It may be compared with the gold and lapis vase designs in the murals of
the Asar Mahal at Bijapur; see Colour Plate 12.) Moreover, the fine border of a
portrait of Ali Adil Shah II in the Barber Institute, Birmingham, is by the same
hand as the Hodgkin vase, with similar floral medallions and an identical use of
deep maroon with blue, rare colours seen also in the Darbar of Ali Adil Shah IT of c.
1660 (Fig. 137).

Considering the taste for abstract art throughout the Islamic world, it is not
surprising that connoisseurs in Turkey, Iran and India greatly admired marbled
paper and marbled paper drawings. Martin (1912:93-4, 106-8) attributed the
greatest examples of this craft to Ottoman Turkey, and rightly suggested that the
‘colours must have been applied while the paper was wet, since the paper is
completely saturated with them’. He mentions the brilliant, variegated colours, the
outlines “enhanced by gold lines drawn by a hand that even the greatest European
decorator would have envied’, the Turkish love for this expensive paper, and its
great rarity, so sought after that few collectors were willing to part with it. The
prestige of marbled work has recently been confirmed by the discovery of two
superb pages of Timurid marbled paper, inscribed in a fine divani hand, now in the
Kronos Collection, New York. They are decorated with matching ‘chinoiserie’
patterns evoking weeping willow branches, outlined in gold. The inscription states
that they were among the presents sent from Iran to Sultan Ghiyathuddin Khalji of
Mandu and entered into the royal library on 1 August 1496. This craft, which today
would be considered a minor art form, was deemed worthy of special historical note
in Islamic India.

There is strong evidence that most of the surviving marbled drawings with
human or animal figures, including those first published by Martin, were executed
not in Iran or Turkey but in the Deccan. Some of the best examples are either still in
Deccani collections, or were acquired in the Deccan. Where human figures occur,

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134 Floral fantasy, Bijapur, first half of seventeenth century

their faces and costumes are typical of Bijapur in the mid-seventeenth century. The
mauve, blue and yellow clouds in the background of so many Deccani pictures,
often painted in turbulently swirled patterns, resemble the patterns of marbled
paper, as in the Deer hunt (Fig. 139). Finally, the marbled paper so often used in
Deccani manuscripts for end papers and the margins of paintings is of the same
variety as in the marbled drawings.

The finest surviving example is the Starving horse harassed by birds, in a private
collection (Fig. 136). The subject symbolises the lower instincts of human nature
which the mystic must ‘starve’ to attain spiritual progress. Here, in a moving way
that astonishingly transcends the merely decorative nature of the craft, blood oozes
from marbled wounds between golden ribs, combining pathos and preciousness in
a most poignant manner.

The integration of Mughal and Deccani stylistic elements continued during the
reigns of Ali II and Sikandar Adil Shah, but new aims became apparent. Portraiture
retains its popularity but there is a reassertion of local decorative values and a

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135 Floral vase, Bijapur, c. 1650

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136 Starving horse harassed by birds, marbled paper drawing, Bijapur,
mid-seventeenth century

rejection of Mughal realism. Line becomes more playful, with a typically Deccani
spring. Eyes become larger and sweep gracefully upwards, as in the eighteenth-
century Kishangarh school of Rajasthan, the artists of which may have learned this
mannerism from Bijapur. Rich colours reappear, elegant gesturing becomes the
rule and Mughal formality yields to Deccani romanticism. In short, pattern and
ornament reassert their earlier importance over narrative values. It is clear that as
Bijapur reeled under Mughal aggression, the arts achieved a new brilliance.

The Darbar of Sultan Ali Adil Shah IT in the collection of the late Dr Moti
Chandra, Bombay, uses the conventions of the Jaipur picture of 1651 (see Fig. 131),
but far surpasses it with its daring colour and rhapsodic line (Fig. 137). The earlier
work is historical record, the later one a statement of cultural and psychological
realities, and therefore much more original. In part it is a picture of the vivacity of
youth, for the sultan appears to be in his early twenties, an age that would provide a
date of c. 1660.

The courtier holding the scroll to the right of the sultan is a Hindu, as he wears a
caste mark on his forehead. The only Hindu nobles at court were the Maratha chief
Shahji and his renegade son Shivaji. Shahji organised a truce between Ali and his
son in 1661 which lasted three years. The painting may represent the reconciliation

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1337. Darbar of Sultan Ali Adil Shah II, attributed to the Bombay painter,
Bijapur, c. 1660

of the three men. The nobleman with the scroll may be Shivaji, holding the royal
firman pardoning him for his offences, while the white-bearded dignitary at his side
may be his father.

A likeness of Ali shooting an arrow at a tiger, in a private collection, is by the
same artist, whom we can dub the Bombay painter (Fig. 138). The sultan is shown
in the stance of royal prowess, like royal figures slaughtering beasts in ancient
Achaemenid and Sassanian art, oddly enough more clearly ‘remembered’ in seven-
teenth-century India than in Iran. His radiant face, giant size and sparkling lapis
lazuli turban all contribute to the emblematic effect. Torn at the bottom, the

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138 Sultan Ali Adil Shah II shooting an arrow at a tiger, attributed to the Bombay
painter, Bijapur, c. 1660

139 Deer hunt, Bijapur, c. 1660-70

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140 Sultan Ali Adil Shah II with a courtesan, Bijapur, c. 1660-70

picture probably lacks about one third of its original surface. Just beneath the bow is
the curved golden tail of a missing mythological beast, probably a griffin, upon
which Ali originally stood.

The great Deer hunt in a private collection possesses a similar heroic mood,
retaining the poetry of early seventeenth-century Deccani art (Fig. 139). Two
princes, the first dressed in mauve riding a white horse, the second in maroon on a
blue stallion, advance majestically towards a herd of deer which bolt in utter
confusion. Facial types, costumes and the domed building in the upper left
conform to Bijapur conventions. What really elevates this scene of man preying
upon animals is its setting. Above a jagged horizon, windswept trees punctuate a
sombre sky, beneath turbulent clouds like the curious designs of marbled paper. We
seem suddenly to be witnessing not a mere hunt but a ritual slaughter, performed to
the thunderous din of an approaching storm.

The unfinished Sultan Ali Adil Shah II with a courtesan depicted beneath a
garden canopy strikes a profoundly different mood though it was executed by a
closely related artist at about the same time (Fig. 140). Botticelli-like, it celebrates
the charms of love and beauty with no sinister undertones. Ali grasps the arm of his
indolent lover while spring breezes caress a perfect garden; mango trees blossom on
the right of the tent while others bear mature fruit on the left. Some areas, like the
garments and the vegetation, are fully completed, while other areas — the figure of

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the sultan for example — still await the finishing touch of the artist. Several
eighteenth-century Hyderabad paintings survive which are more formal but still
charming versions of this delightful picture.

Painting continued in much the same mould under Sultan Sikandar who came
to the throne at the age of 4 and who was deposed by the Mughals at 18.
Considering his youth and the constant civil strife leading to the Mughal conquest,
it is perhaps unwise to ascribe artistic patronage to the king himself. Probably the
great nobles, increasingly independent at their jagirs, or estates, employed import-
ant painters who may have been fleeing the capital at this time. At any rate, only a
few pictures can be attributed to the last two decades of independence. One is an
accomplished portrait of Sikandar in the Custodia Collection, Paris, which bears a
Persian inscription attributing the work to the artists Abdul Qadir and Ibrahim
Khan. The name of the latter artist also appears in second place on the portrait of
Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah and Ikhlas Khan riding an elephant, painted a few
decades earlier (see Fig. 132). A more ambitious work is the Sultans of the Adil Shahi
dynasty in the Metropolitan Museum, New York. Although such genealogical
pictures, portraying the ruling members of the dynasty seated together, are known
from Mughal India — the most notable being the Emperors and princes of the House
of Timur in the British Museum — this is the only royal example from the Deccan.
Sikandar is shown as a very dark-skinned child of about ro or 12, much as he appears
in the Paris portrait.

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CHAPTER 6G

MINIATURE PAINTING:
GOLCONDA AND OTHER CENTRES

GOLCONDA

Both the character of Golconda painting and the problems involved in reconstruct-
ing its history differ considerably from those of other Deccani schools. Neither the
austere compositions nor the majestic human figures of Ahmadnagar are present;
nor do we encounter the mysterious and romantic world represented in Bijapur art,
so far removed from everyday reality. Instead, close ties with Safavid and Mughal
art continued throughout the history of the school. Although the Qutb Shahi
sultans enjoyed exotic diversity in the paintings they commissioned and employed
painters from all over India, Iran and Central Asia — who continued to paint in
variants of their original styles — Safavid influence was paramount. This meant that
Golconda art was always less humanistic than other Deccani schools: figures are
closer to the glorious dolls of Safavid illustration and, therefore, possess less mass
and naturalistic expression than is usual in the arts of India.

The Middle Eastern orientation of Golconda painting can be partly explained by
the ethnic origins of the ruling house which was descended from the Qara Qoyunlu
(Black Sheep) Turkman sultans of western Iran and Anatolia. They were forced to
emigrate to India in the fifteenth century and must have continued similar patterns
of artistic patronage in the subcontinent, attracting above all Persian artists and
writers to their court.

The heterogeneous nature of the school makes it very difficult to chronicle. As
only a fragmentary portion of the original output has survived, great Golconda
pictures seem like isolated peaks of genius, bearing little relation to one another.
Every phase of Safavid art has its reflection at Golconda. To complicate matters, by
the second half of the seventeenth century we begin to discern reciprocal Indian
influences on Iranian art emanating from both the Mughal and Deccani traditions.
The Persian artists Shaykh Abbasi and Muhammad Zaman were especially respon-
sive to Deccani design; the mysterious painter Rahim Dakani — whose name of
course suggests a Deccani connection — worked in a style which would have been
equally at home in late seventeenth-century Isfahan or Golconda.

Despite links to Iran, a local flavour inevitably developed. Both native and
foreign artists must have often worked side by side and influenced each other’s
work. They must also have used locally available pigments so that the characteristi-
cally fiery palette of Golconda developed, mainly lilac-pink, coral-red and tur-
quoise-blue. Both abstract ornament and figural scenes have a seething vitality of

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ie OF : RAS ag a ERP NAS :

141 Angels bearing trays, detail of frontispiece of the Zakhira-i Khwarizmshahi,
Golconda, dated 1572

line and composition and occasionally an Indian feeling for mass that is fundamen-
tally un-Persian. Instead, we are reminded of the pulsating rhythms of the Indian
dance and the dense stone figures on the facades of South Indian temples. In short,
despite Persianate taste, an underlying Indian sensibility is everywhere apparent.

The earliest miniature paintings probably date from the reign of Ibrahim Qutb
Shah, all in variants of Persian styles and not one equal to the masterpieces of the
following reign. The manuscript of the Anwar-i Suhayli in the Victoria and Albert
Museum, London, possibly dating from the Issos or 1560s, has 126 miniatures. It
bears Qutb Shahi seals but no colophon. The vegetation is exuberantly lush, and
the architecture depicted has Golconda traits. Related illustrated manuscripts are
the Sindbad Namah in the India Office Library, London, and the Shirin and
Khusrau in the Khudabaksh Library, Patna, though neither has a proper colophon
mentioning a Golconda patron.

We are on surer ground with the medical encyclopaedia entitled Zakhira-i
Khwarizmshahi in the Chester Beatty Library, Dublin, for its colophon states that
it was written at Golconda in 1572. There are no illustrations, but the double-page
frontispiece has superb simurghs attacking leonine dragons and flying angels
bearing trays and tambourines, all amidst seething arabesques (Fig. 141). The
simurghs and dragons are similar in form and spirit to those of a great Golconda
dagger (see Fig. 169).

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Deccani tradition affirms that the next sultan, Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, was
as important a patron of the arts as his contemporary at Bijapur, Ibrahim Adil Shah
Il. Few paintings survive from Muhammad’s reign, but those which do are
extraordinary Golconda variations on Persian themes. Nearly all are contained in a
sumptuous manuscript of the sultan’s own Urdu verse, the Kull/iyat, in the Salar
Jang Museum, Hyderabad, so lavishly illuminated and illustrated that it must be
Muhammad Quli’s own copy. The quality of his poetry establishes him as India’s
first great Urdu poet.

The first six miniatures sparkle with tooled gold surfaces, iridescent colours and
applied areas of marbled paper. They embody more than any other work the
richness — some would say the excess — of Golconda taste. They are all by the same
hand which, although profoundly influenced by Bukhara styles, exhibits strong
Indian traits. The first miniature, fol. 5a, depicting a polo match, has facial types
which derive from Deccani conventions. In the second page, fol. 12a, a man servant
at bottom left, opening a ewer of wine, again shows Deccani traits. The fourth
miniature, fol. 29b, swarms with life. King Solomon sits on his throne surrounded
by animals who glance and growl at each other, and strange grotesque masks munch
on the leafy border! A simurgh, made of applied marbled paper, flies by. In the fifth
illustration, fol. 53b, angels shower a prince with jewels as he observes a dance
performance (Fig. 142). The angels’ wings are of marbled paper. The paint surface is
so thick that it has crackled like porcelain, and in some areas the details are in relief.
The ladies seated at bottom right resemble figures in early Mughal art.

We believe that this artist is Indian, although he has absorbed much from Safavid
and Bukhara example. The restraint of Persian art is noticeably absent in his work,
though present in the last two illustrations of the book, fols. 93a and 97b, both
probably by a Bukhara émigré painter. Sober in his use of line and colour to the
point of dullness, he proves himself an artist of little originality.

Few other paintings can be attributed with certainty to Golconda during the late
sixteenth or early seventeenth centuries. The tiny Prince and an ascetic in the Freer
Gallery, Washington, signed by Jan Quli, has recently been attributed to Bijapur,
but displays Golconda characteristics in its colouring and in its architectural details
such as the intersecting arcade over the garden gate. The Composite horse and the
Tree on the island of Waqwag, both in the Islamisches Museum, Berlin, also show
Golconda traits. The Prince hawking in the India Office Library, the Young prince
riding a horse in the Mayer Institute, Jerusalem, and the Two Jovers, in the Harvard
University Art Museums, Cambridge, are probably Golconda versions of Bijapur,
Ahmadnagar and Safavid pictures, respectively.

We are on surer ground with a portrait of Sultan Muhammad Qutb Shah, in a
private collection (Fig. 143). Dressed in a white muslin jama sumptuously bordered
with gold, he ambles through a garden against a jet-black background. Although
the figure’s rigidity suggests a date three or four decades after the sultan’s death in
1626, there is still considerable poetry: the sultan seems not of this world, but as

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142 Dancing before a sultan, fol. 53b of the Kulliyat of Sultan Muhammad Quli Qutb
Shah, Golconda, c. 1590-1600

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Se = By

143. Sultan Muhammad Qutb Shah, Golconda, second half of seventeenth century

delicate as the rose he sniffs. The image contrasts profoundly with the Mughal
portrait of the same king by the artist Hashim, inscribed in Jahangir’s own hand as
‘a good likeness of Sultan Muhammad Qutb al-Mulk’, probably based on a lost
Deccani original (Fig. 144). In the Mughal picture there is no feeling for the
pleasures of the fleeting moment. Instead, Muhammad is rooted to the spot like a
butterfly pinned down in a case. We sense the atmosphere of isolation and
formality of a great imperial court, so much at odds with real human feelings.
With the establishment of the Mughal protectorate during the reign of Muham-
mad’s successor, Abdullah Qutb Shah, Mughal cultural influence at Golconda — as
at Bijapur — rapidly increased. In the arts Mughal realism came to be just as admired
as the Persian tradition. A great painter who worked for Abdullah late in his reign in
a semi-Deccani, semi-Mughal idiom created a handful of extraordinary portraits of
the sultan and members of the court (Figs. 147-50). None of these works is
inscribed, but their subjects can be identified by comparison with the large number

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144 Sultan Muhammad Qutb Shah, signed by Hashim, Mughal, c. 1620

of small portraits of Deccani notables — usually coarsely painted against a plain
green background — executed at Golconda for sale to European merchants and
travellers. They often bear identifying inscriptions in Dutch, Portuguese, French or
— more rarely — English.

But before dealing with the new realism, let us discuss a group of five miniatures
executed at the beginning of Abdullah’s reign, c. 1630. Bound up in a Divan of
Hafiz, in the British Museum, London, they have no illustrative connection with
the text of the manuscript, nor with its other miniatures, which are in a metropoli-
tan Persian style.

One of the paintings, fol. 26b, securely establishes a new dating for the group
(Fig. 145). Originally the paintings had been dated to 1610-20, then later to
1586-90, and the royal figure identified successively as Muhammad Qutb Shah,
then Muhammad Quli. More recently it has been shown that the courtier seated to
the immediate left of the throne is Muhammad Ibn-i Khatun, prime minister to
Abdullah. Ibn-i Khatun was elevated to the rank of prime minister and was allowed
to sit by the side of Abdullah’s throne in 1629, so the sultan portrayed has to be
Abdullah. Since he is still beardless and very young, the painting probably dates

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Mx |
a
cathy

145 Sultan Abdullah Qutb Shah watching a dance performance, Golconda, c. 1630

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146 Darbar of Sultan Abdullah Qutb Shah as a youth, Golconda, c. 1630

from c. 1630 when the king was 16 years old. Moreover, it bears strong stylistic
similarities to Persian painting from Isfahan of the 1630s and 1640s rather than to
any earlier period of Iranian art.

Nowa close inspection of a darbar scene in the British Museum, presided over by
an equally youthful king, reveals the same courtier, Ibn-i Khatun, sitting to the
right of the royal throne, quite unmistakable with his white beard and heavy, black
eyebrows (Fig. 146). He is very clearly sitting while all the other courtiers are
standing. As the young sultan wears a red turban with a gold cross band, the same
fashion worn by Abdullah in the painting inserted into the Divan of Hafiz, he must
also be Abdullah at about the same age.

This darbar scene is a Deccani interpretation of Mughal group portraits of the
Jahangir period. But the artist, unlike his Mughal contemporaries, hardly explores
the personalities of the various nobles or their relationships to one another. Instead,
he seeks to create a convincing picture of royal splendour. Gold paint — for

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vd =e itil
sarees pavemonedn “57S i
eee! sya

147 Procession of Sultan Abdullah Qutb Shah riding an elephant, Golconda, c. 1650

clothing, jewellery, architecture and vessels — is applied with wild abandon. Never-
theless, a new formality, derived from Mughal example, is beginning to take hold.
The repetition of flower sprigs in the background and the strong symmetry of
composition establishes an air of reserve radically different from the dreamily
relaxed images of earlier Deccani kings (see, for example, Colour Plate 4).

Only a handful of portraits of Abdullah have survived. One in the Ashmolean
Museum, Oxford, depicts the king about ten years later, seated — again with
considerable formality — on a garden terrace. Another, in the Victoria and Albert
Museum, aside from its enchanting palette of gold, blue and green, is to all intents
and purposes simply a Deccani version of the standard, single-figure Mughal
portrait.

The most exciting Golconda painting to have survived — the finest example of the
new realistic mode and one of the outstanding masterpieces of Indian art — is the
processional portrait of Abdullah on elephant back, accompanied by a tumultuous
crowd of courtiers, pages, singers and musicians, in the Saltykoy-Shtshedrine State
Public Library, St Petersburg (Fig. 147). With the surging composition typical of
the Deccan, the artist has managed to record the bustle of a moving crowd,
something the Mughal artist was usually incapable of achieving, resorting instead to

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a sedentary mass of closely packed bodies with little suggestion of movement.

Strong colour adds to the excitement of the scene: the sky is deep blue: the clouds
are vivid orange. The central pavilion is gold, ‘studded’ in Golconda fashion with
white, green and red dots meant to be jewels. The sultan, also dressed in gold, rides
a saffron-coloured elephant while his attendants ride blue ones. Despite the
complexity of the gesticulating figures, they blend into a satisfying decorative
pattern, just as the carved figures on the walls of South Indian temples harmonise
with structural lines.

The realism of the portraits allows us to identity a few of the noblemen marching
ahead of the sultan. The slim, round-shouldered man in the uppermost row nearest
the king is Khairat Khan, an important minister from 1634 until his death in 1655.
Shah Mirza precedes him. The portly figure in the middle row nearest the king is
Mir Jumlah, conqueror of South India, who defected to the Mughals in 1656. This
impressive painting may be dated to c. 1650, before the death of Khairat Khan and
the departure of Mir Jumlah.

Recently — almost miraculously, considering the rarity of great Golconda paint-
ings — another work by this artist turned up on the London art market (Fig. 148).
The subject was originally identified as the wedding procession of Sultan Abdullah
Qutb Shah. Now, although this artist certainly worked for Abdullah, here he
depicts the earlier king Muhammad Quli. The features of Muhammad Quli are
well known from inscribed portraits done for European visitors to Golconda in the
seventeenth century. The same sultan is famous in Deccani lore for having married
a Hindu dancing girl named Bhagmati, and it is precisely this event which is
represented here. The girl on his lap is definitely a Hindu, for she wears a
prominent red tilak on her forehead. The attendants walking along with the royal
couple have similar features, wear the same open sandals and form the same
bustling throng as the royal followers in the St Petersburg procession. The delight-
fully observed Hindu girls bearing gilt trays and vases behind the king, and the
Hindu temples, complete with stepped pyramidal towers in local South Indian style
in the upper right-hand corner, underline the ecumenical nature of the romance.

A composite picture in the famous St Petersburg album in the Academy of
Sciences, St. Petersburg, depicting an idealised Deccani sultan visiting a settlement
of holy men in the deep countryside, is partly by the same Golconda painter (Fig.
149). The realism of the figures is his, and the three ladies beneath the figure of the
sultan have the same sense of movement and wear the same type of sandals as the
groups of followers in the previous two pictures.

A fourth painting, the likeness of a dark-skinned nobleman, in a private collec-
tion, is by the same hand (Fig. 150). The complexion and features of this figure
strongly suggest that he was — like Malik Ambar — a member of Golconda’s large
Habshi community and probably a eunuch, since although he is not young he has
neither a beard nor a moustache. He must have enjoyed a high position at court, to
judge from his proud appearance, for eunuchs knew the secrets of the harem.

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A ee ee SaaS Oa //

148 Wedding procession of Sultan Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah and Bhagmati,
Golconda, c. 1650

149 A Deccani sultan visits holy men, Golconda, ¢. 1650

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Younger, he is clearly visible in the St Petersburg procession, upon the small blue
elephant behind the sultan, fanning the king with a long white scarf (see Fig. 147).
In both pictures he wears the same white turban and dress, and his body is full of
that elegant, forward movement that this artist so convincingly conveys.

Doomed kings often seem extraordinary. We muse: “He was so promising. If
only he had had more time.’ Such, I suspect, is our reaction to Abul Hasan,
Abdullah’s successor and the last sultan of Golconda. Political and cultural events
certainly took a strange turn when he arrived unexpectedly upon the scene. He was
Abdullah’s son-in-law and had been living quietly in Gulbarga where he was a
follower of the famous saint Shah Raju, direct descendant of Gesudaraz. When a
dynastic squabble elevated Abul Hasan to the throne, Shah Raju accompanied him
to Hyderabad where he exercised enormous influence at court.

The new king appointed a Telugu brahmin, Madanna, to the post of mir jumlah,
or prime minister. Hindu influence increased; Madanna gave key administrative
posts to other Hindus, providing the orthodox Aurangzeb with an excuse for
invasion. Royal firmans were issued for the first time in bilingual form, in both
Persian and Telugu. Urdu, Telugu and Arabic literature began to be patronised
with greater fervour than Persian by Abul Hasan, himself an ethnic Arab. Shah Raju
wrote Urdu marthiyas, or dirges, in honour of the Shia martyrs, more than a
century before these melancholy compositions gained popularity at Lucknow.
Mughal historians accused the Golconda court of debauchery and heresy for these
and other reasons.

Deccani and European accounts are kinder to Abul Hasan, who bravely resisted
Aurangzeb’s eight-month siege of Golconda and who seems to have been an
unusually tolerant and gentle man. Abul Hasan’s sufi ideals were evident when
Aurangzeb’s generals captured the fort. They rushed to his apartments and were
surprised when the sultan, with composure, asked them to join him for breakfast
which he was about to start, explaining how man must accept good fortune and
adversity with equanimity as gifts of God, for God had first made him a beggar,
then a king, and then a beggar once again!

Though Deccani tradition maintains that Abul Hasan, nicknamed tana shah, or
king of taste, was a great patron of the arts, few paintings can be ascribed to his
court. But this lacuna may be the result of accidents of survival following the
Mughal invasion. A few portraits of the king and his courtiers can be attributed to
Golconda with certainty, continuing the tradition of Mughal-inspired realism
which began in the preceding reign. However, a Persianate strand existed indepen-
dently along side of it, adding Deccani fluidity of line, opulence and sensuality to
what was basically a very formal, late seventeenth-century Isfahan idiom; some of
these latter works bear the signature of Rahim Dakani.

A likeness of Abul Hasan surveying the delights of his garden is in the Edwin
Binney 3rd Collection, San Diego Museum (Fig. 151). Amidst trees and flowers,
wearing a gold coat and shawl, shaded by a servant holding a shield — suggesting

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150 African eunuch, Golconda, third quarter of seventeenth century

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We Fae a. ean)

1st Sultan Abul Hasan walking in a garden, Golconda, c. 1672-80

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152 Shah Raju on horseback, signed by Rasul Khan, Golconda, c. 1672-80

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that comfort was more important than warfare at this court — the sultan exudes a
relaxed mood that contrasts with the earnestness of Mughal portraits. The strong
sense of potential movement reminds us of the St Petersburg procession (Fig. 147),
the Wedding procession of Sultan Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah and Bhagamati (Fig.
148), A Deccani sultan visits holy men (Fig. 149), and the African eunuch (Fig. 150); all
five paintings may be by the same hand.

As Abul Hasan, who was born in 1646, is still a young man here, a date during the
1670s, soon after he ascended the throne, is likely. His fur-collared, three-quarter-
length coat — rather ill-suited to the heat of the Deccan — is present in all portraits of
the sultan. It is exactly the same as that worn by his contemporary, Shah Suleyman |
of Iran (1667-94).

More or less contemporary is the remarkable equestrian portrait of Abul Hasan’s
spiritual guide, Shah Raju, in a private collection (Fig. 152). In most representations
of this saint in the diminutive albums made for foreign visitors to the Deccan his
beard is grey. Here his beard is black, suggesting that this likeness was executed
shortly after he moved to Hyderabad in 1672. Despite his realistically observed
Kashmir shawl, the figure of Shah Raju is highly conventional. Not so his horse,
whose taut muscles and steaming breath establish this artist as one of India’s
greatest animalists. The finely written white naskh inscription in the lower right-
hand corner identifies the painter as Rasul Khan. Related portraits of Shah Raju and
his scholarly son, Akbar Shah Husaini, signed by Rahim Khan, are in the Edward
Binney 3rd Collection.

Not all Golconda painters felt comfortable working in the realistic style derived
from Mughal art. Many came under the influence of the new Persian mode
practised by Shaykh Abbasi and Ali Quli Jabbadar. Their work, representing a
decisive break with the calligraphic subtleties of the sixteenth and early seventeenth
centuries, shows signs of familiarity with the stiffly formal aesthetic of ancient
Achaemenid and Sassanian stone carving, and, curiously, with contemporary
European prints, apparent in a liking for heavy shading and thin washes of colour.
The strength of this Iranian strand in Indian painting — first in the Deccan and later
in several North Indian schools of the early eighteenth century — suggests that
Shaykh Abbasi, or artists working in a similar style, had emigrated to the Deccan.
However, recent claims by Welch (1985, 1997) that Shaykh Abbasi headed a
Golconda atelier with his two sons Muhammad Taqi and Ali Naqi, and that Rao
Jagat Singh of Kotah hired a Golconda artist at Aurangabad who became the major
talent of the Kotah school in the early eighteenth century (dubbed the Kotah
master), belong to the realm of conjecture. One discrepancy among many is the fact
that Jagat Singh died in 1683, before the fall of Golconda in 1687 and the dispersal of
its artists.

The influence of the art of one country upon that of another is fascinating, for
although motifs and techniques travel easily, the spirit of art does not. Deccani
painting remained as different from Iranian painting as French art did from Italian,

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153 Sleeping maiden, Golconda, last quarter of seventeenth century

though the artistic impact of Italy on France and of Iran on India was enormous.
For example, the drawing of a sleeping maiden in the Islamisches Museum, Berlin
(Fig. 153) cannot be imagined without the example of Shaykh Abbasi and related
Safavid painters. Nevertheless, the Persian’s dour restraint has disappeared; instead
the Deccan’s brilliant decorative sense and easy evocation of life’s pleasure have
totally taken charge. We sense the warm breezes, luxuries and languid pace of a
tropical world. With delicate twists of loosened garments and an enigmatic smile,
the girl is as voluptuous as the nudes of South Indian stone sculpture.

The painted scenes on the top and four sides of a small varnished papier-maché
box, probably a jewel casket, in the Victoria and Albert Museum, are more
conventionally pretty (Fig. 154). The vignette on the top of the box depicting a
sleeping princess dreaming of her absent lover is remarkably like the Berlin
drawing. Meticulous draughtsmanship and rich colour evoke a mood of exquisite
sensuality. The artist is certainly Rahim Dakani, for the work is identical in style to
a lightly coloured drawing in the Chester Beatty Library which bears the inscrip-
tion: ‘the work of the slave Rahim Dakani’. The use of the nisba “‘Deccani’ suggests
that although this artist or his forbears were natives of the Deccan, he may have

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154 Sleeping maiden, top of a lacquered jewel box, attributed to Rahim Deccani,
Golconda, last quarter of seventeenth century

been working elsewhere, perhaps in Iran. In fact, he may have been one of several
Deccani artists active in Isfahan during the late seventeenth century, carrying back
to Iran the synthesis of Indo-Persian styles achieved at Golconda.

Two varnished pen cases in the Khalili Collection, London, decorated in a
slightly more Persian style than the Victoria and Albert Museum jewel box and the
Dublin drawing, suggest that the artist had trained in a Deccani mode as a young
man and then shifted to a more Persian manner later in life. One of the pen cases,
decorated with figures dressed in Indian costume, but lacking Indian suggestion of
weight and volume, is inscribed with the characteristic signature (or attribution?) of
Rahim Dakani; the other is unsigned, but certainly by the same hand, and bears a
date equivalent to 1706-7. The latter has a more conventionally Persian design of
birds and flowers with no human figures. Rahim may have painted both pen cases
in Iran, late in his career, decades after the Victoria and Albert Museum box. His
work is significant for the subsequent development of eighteenth- and nineteenth-
century Iranian art, since Zand and Qajar painting closely follow the path he
forged.

Much wilder, and therefore more Deccani, are two painted and varnished leather
book covers in the Sir Howard Hodgkin Collection, London, one of which is
reproduced here (Fig. 155). They lack the restraint of Rahim Dakani and of Safavid

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a be A

S oA Raab

cman rads

155 Lacquered book cover, Golconda or Hyderabad, c. 1700

art in general, and we are treated instead to remarkable designs of trees of life
against a gold background, flanked by massive, flower-filled vases. Huge birds roost
in the trees and outsized insects search for nectar, recalling Golconda painted
cottons. The obsessive detail, the abundance of gold and the typically Indian

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suggestion of mass create a delirious opulence characteristic of the best Deccani
design. Although the book covers may date from after 1700, their style is essentially
Golconda fertilised by Iran.

MUGHAL HEGEMONY

Aurangzeb’s conquest of Bijapur and Golconda was not as inimical to the arts as is
generally assumed. He was an orthodox Muslim, but his only overtly hostile act in
regard to art was to command all figural murals to be erased in the Adil Shahi palace
in Bijapur. Aurangzeb was far too busy with warfare during the next two decades to
exert any long-lasting effect on art. He halted for only four months at Hyderabad
and was soon off in pursuit of the Marathas whom he now perceived as the chief
obstacle to total conquest of the Deccan.

The absence of the emperor from Hyderabad, locked in endless struggle with the
Marathas in the western Deccan, unleashed centrifugal forces which provided
opportunities both for the officers who had accompanied him into the Deccan and
for the local nobility to amass considerable wealth and power. Many of these figures
were able to transform their jagirs, or estates, into small hereditary fiefs and to begin
to act as important patrons. A new rage for portraiture developed between the fall of
Golconda (1687) and the emergence of the Hyderabad kingdom (1724) and this
enhanced the prestige of these new princelings. Although this period has largely
been ignored from an artistic point of view, so many extraordinary paintings have
come to light that it can now be seen as one of the most exciting phases of Indian
portraiture, all the more surprising as courts and ateliers were often small and
remote, and times were unsettled.

Hyderabad remained the greatest centre of the arts, for its Mughal governors
were both cultured and semi-independent. After the fall of the city to the Mughals,
three powerful governors ruled: Jan Sipar Khan (1688-1700), his son Rustam Dil
Khan (1700-13) and Mubariz Khan (1713-24). Beneath them were the faujdars, or
commanders, in charge of the thirteen great forts of the former Qutb Shahi
territories. Potential patrons of painting then — even counting just Mughal officers
— were plentiful. The shift in patronage from great urban rulers to lesser nobles in
smaller centres accelerated during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centu-
ries, occurring not only in the Deccan but in North India as well. This phenom-
enon reflected the breakdown of the central authority which great Islamic princes
had imposed upon much of India during the Sultanate and Mughal periods. The
era of the great Mughals and the fabulously rich sultans of the Deccan had now
definitely passed from reality to legend.

A new style of painting arose which combined the comparative realism of the
north with Deccani fantasy and extravagance. The subjects of portraiture are often
given the stern profile of Mughal princes full of ‘imperial purpose’, but are placed
in such a dream world of exotic shapes and colours that we feel their seriousness is

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156 Allah-wirdi Khan receiving a petition, Hyderabad, early eighteenth century

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but a pose. And of course the setting, because of its contrast to the sitter, absolutely
steals the show!

Just such an image is the young prince sniffing a rose, in the National Museum,
New Delhi (see Colour Plate 8). His seemingly impassive profile could be inter-
preted either as high seriousness, or as intense reverie. Standing before a yellow-
green meadow, he wears a cream and purple coat with a red and gold turban. Giant
butterflies sip nectar from huge irises in the garden which mirror the more realistic
irises of the prince’s coat. The painting is as poetic as the best Bijapur painting of a
century before, and as a friend once aptly commented: ‘It is not the depiction of a
man but the representation of the perfume of a garden.’

Another early eighteenth-century artist — almost certainly working at Hy-
derabad, for we can trace his influence upon later Hyderabad painting — carries
precision of line and Mughal sobriety to Deccani extremes. In his portrait of a
Mughal nobleman receiving a petition, symmetry and balance, no longer tempered
by Mughal realism, become ends in themselves, as in the work of great modern
abstract painters (Fig. 156). Colours are intense, the vegetation lush and the figures
are a brilliant assortment of physical types, races and personalities, including black
and white eunuchs.

The inscription on the verso identifies the nobleman as Mansabdar Allah-wirdi
Khan. A mansabdar, or officer, of that name served Aurangzeb during the Deccani
conquest: he was an accomplished poet, Persian in origin, the author of a well-
known Divan. No information is given about the artist’s identity. Appropriately,
this painter’s reaction to nature resembles that of a Persian poet of the Mughal
period: extremely formal, but able to make astounding feats of observation. The
multi-coloured servants, the birds, the butterflies and the deer are all in typical
poses, but no less pungently alive for their idealisation.

There are close links between Deccani painting and the Rajasthani school of
Bikaner, but the precise nature of the relationship has never been satisfactorily
explored. Several maharajas of Bikaner served the Mughals as generals in the
Deccan throughout the late sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries, spending large
parts of their reigns there. Anup Singh (1674-98) resided permanently in the
Deccan. A number of superb Deccani paintings and objects in the Palace Collec-
tion, Bikaner, bear inscriptions stating that they were acquired either by Rai Singh,
when he was a Mughal governor at Burhanpur (1607-11), or by Anup Singh while
governor of Adoni (1689-98). The presence of Deccani pictures, and perhaps
Deccani painters — probably brought back to Rajasthan by returning maharajas —
may have influenced the local style.

The artist responsible for the unfinished portrait of Nawab Salabat Khan, in the
Victoria and Albert Museum (1.s.57—-1949), may have also worked for Anup Singh
in the Deccan. Lavish in scale and in mood, this picture is a delightful essay in
white, light green, pink and gold. The nawab’s colossal stature, daintily encased in
transparent muslin and surrounded by diminutive ladies, continues a long tradition

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of massively proportioned Deccani royal figures, reminiscent of the sixteenth-
century representations of the sultan of Ahmadnagar (see Colour Plate 2 and Fig.
110). The delicate palette, the daintily drawn courtesans with long eyes and the
distinctive foliage composed of tiny dabs of bright colour arranged in circles are also
present in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Bikaner paintings. The inscription
on the reverse, giving the nawab’s name not in Persian, as we would have expected,
but in devanagari script, suggests that this picture was painted for a Rajput patron.
The illustrations of the Nal Daman, dated 1698, in the Prince of Wales Museum,
Bombay, are by the same hand. The story is a seventeenth-century Urdu version of
the romance of Nala and Damayanti, an episode from the great Hindu epic, the
Mahabharata, implying that this manuscript, like the portrait, was executed for a
Hindu patron, possibly the maharaja of Bikaner.

A large group of very small paintings, about 19 by 8 centimetres, now widely
dispersed, was probably executed in the Hyderabad region during the first few
decades of the eighteenth century. The text is said to be a history of the Qutb Shah
dynasty, but a page in the Rietberg Museum, Zurich, depicting a Hindu hero
beheading a demon by means of a chakra, the discus sacred to the god Vishnu,
implies that the text is mythological rather than historical. Perhaps these numerous
paintings — in Paris, Zurich, New Delhi and Peshawar — were the standardised
production of a Deccani workshop, turning out illustrations of both Hindu and
Muslim subjects.

The same artists were responsible for a grander project, a ragamala of impressive
dimensions, only five pages of which have survived, four in the Nelson Gallery,
Kansas City, and one in a private collection, Hindola raga (Fig. 157). This picture is
the visual representation of a particular raga, or mode of Indian music, intended to
be sung in the morning and related to Spring. Hindola means swing; here the
young hero — resembling a local Deccani raja — sits on a swing, gently serenaded by
female musicians. Yellow stains on the terrace are all that remain from the
impassioned rites of Holi, the Spring festival when celebrants douse each other with
coloured water. Despite the recent frenzy, the mood is formal, established by cool
colours, precise draughtsmanship and extreme symmetry of detail. What really grip
our attention are the razor-sharp diagonals which lead us towards the mysterious
castle on the hill, a welcome relief from the rigidity of the terrace world. It has been
suggested that the provenance of this set is Bidar; if so, the impressive structure on
the cliff, so conspicuous in each miniature, may well be the vast Bidar fort.

The brave warrior with his army on the march was a common subject for Mughal
painters and was adopted by Deccani artists as well, chiefly after the Mughal
conquest. The Prince galloping across a rocky plain, in a private collection, is the
masterpiece of this genre (see Colour Plate 9). The overall nervous energy of the
scene and the porcelain-like fragility of the powder-blue horse charm us with their
elegant inappropriateness. This Deccani painter, more accustomed to representing
a private world of sentiment than a public world of pomp and action, transforms

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157 Hindola raga, Bidar (?), early eighteenth century

the dusty plain into a garden for our delectation, and the prince’s army becomes but
a distant mirage.

The young man’s features and costume resemble those of Prince Azam Shah,
Aurangzeb’s favourite son and heir apparent for many years, who, however, did not

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158 Atachin Beg Bahadur Qalmag out hawking, Deccan or Kishangarh, early
eighteenth century

manage to succeed his father upon the throne. Azam Shah was active in the Deccani
campaign and presented Abul Hasan, the last sultan of Golconda, to the emperor
after the capture of the fort. This painter may have begun his career working for
Abul Hasan and later switched over to the Mughals. Azam Shah was probably a

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

generous patron of the arts, for several Deccani portraits of him survive, some
connected with the surrender of Golconda fort. A large drawing of him entering
Ahmadabad in Gujarat, where he was made governor in 1701, is in the Hodgkin
Collection.

Because of the migration of Deccani painters to North India and the presence of
Mughal and Rajput noblemen in the Deccan, it is often difficult to differentiate
between Deccani and Rajput schools — notably, as we have seen, the school of
Bikaner. We have the same problems with Kishangarh.

The large depiction of a Turkman warrior out hakwing with attendants, in the
British Museum, may be by a Deccani artist in the early years of the eighteenth
century (Fig. 158). The colours of the background are romantically dark, dramati-
cally setting off the jewel-like tints — green, violet and yellow — of the courtiers’
costumes. The fantasy provided by the horse’s extravagantly waved mane, the dark
complexions of the attendants and the overall sense of opulence immediately recall
great Deccani portraits of a century earlier. We know the identity of the warrior
through a second version of this picture, mirror reversed, in the Jehangir Collec-
tion, Bombay. It bears a Persian inscription identifying him as Atachin Beg
Bahadur Qalmag, a likely enough Turkic name for a Deccani officer of Central
Asian origin, but rather unlikely for an officer at a Hindu Rajput court.

Nevertheless, this likeness resembles early eighteenth-century Kishangarh work.
The horse’s long neck, bony muzzle and even his outlandishly curled mane occur in
the paintings of the artist Dal Chand who worked at Delhi and Kishangarh. An
unpublished drawing in the Kanoria Collection, Patna, definitely executed at
Kishangarh, is a copy of Azachin Beg Bahadur Qalmaq. All these paintings suggest
either that Deccani artists found patronage at Kishangarh, where the British
Museum portrait may have been painted, or that so many Deccani paintings were
acquired by the royal Kishangarh collection that they profoundly influenced the
course of this school throughout the eighteenth century. We must remember as well
that the famous elongated ‘Kishangarh eye’ was seen first in Bijapur portraits of the
reign of Ali Adil Shah II, nearly a century before its appearance in Rajasthan.

HYDERABAD AND KURNOOL

The Asaf Jahis at Hyderabad, known in later times as the Nizams, preserved the
ancient Persianate culture of the Deccan until well into the twentieth century, and,
after the fall of Delhi and Lucknow to British forces in the mid-nineteenth century,
welcomed northerners of talent. This meant that the conservative court of Hy-
derabad became the last great bastion of semi-independent Islamic power and
patronage in India. Marriage ties with Middle Eastern courts were encouraged,
especially with the Ottomans of Istanbul, the highest-ranking dynasty of the
Muslim world.

After Nizam al-Mulk’s death in 1748 power struggles developed between the

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159 Lady listening to a musician, an unidentified ragini, Hyderabad, third quarter of
eighteenth century

Nizams and the English, French and Marathas which resulted in political and
economic instability for many decades. These troubled times transformed Deccani
painting. In earlier centuries the powerful princes of the great Muslim states,
inspiring awe and respect, provided the natural subject matter of art. As we have
seen, brilliant portraits of rulers, courtiers and dervishes resulted. Yet this great
period of portraiture seems to have been a short-lived aberration in the long history
of Indian painting. Traditionally, Indian artists were more accustomed to represen-
ting deities than real people — as few portraits have survived from before the
sixteenth century — using the nude human body, especially the female form, as a
model for the gods.

With the breakdown of Islamic authority, eighteenth-century Deccani artists
rediscover the female body, creating an idealised world of princesses and courtesans
(Fig. 159). The feminine principle re-emerges, considerably Islamicised of course,
reaffirming the continuity of Indian culture. Male portraiture also continues, but it
seldom really moves us, the sitters resembling cardboard cut-outs. In the likeness of

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

Nawab Saif al-Mulk selecting jewels (Fig. 160), for example, we relish fine details and
enchanting colours but the man behind the facade has vanished, so different from
the awesome representations of the sultan of Ahmadnagar painted two centuries
earlier (see Colour Plate 2 and Fig. 110). And even in this rediscovered world of
feminine charm, there is often a tendency towards effects of mere prettiness, as in
eighteenth-century French painting.

We should not be overly critical however. Some great paintings were produced,
especially at provincial Deccan centres where artists often worked with greater
originality than those at Hyderabad, and at the courts of Maratha rulers, who, after
decades of guerilla warfare against the Mughals, were now settling down in the
cities of the western Deccan. Moreover, India began to be bombarded by European
culture, through colonisation of her coasts, to which she was not yet able to adapt.
The eighteenth century should not be seen as totally decadent and sterile. If there
were only a few brilliant kings there were many brilliant writers who seemed to
thrive on misfortune and who created a new golden age of Urdu and Persian poetry.
And although eighteenth-century Deccani art usually lacks the power of earlier
work, it achieves a gentler mood in a minor key.

The finest example of Hyderabad painting is the complete ragamala of thirty-six
paintings in the India Office Library, called the Johnson Ragamala, probably from
the third quarter of the eighteenth century (Fig. 159). These pages conjure up a
magic world through polished, enamel-like surfaces and supremely elegant figures;
rarely has the exotic imagery of Persian and Indian poetry attained such rich visual
interpretation. These images are appropriate, yes, but they still represent an art in
decline, for the figures are not only conventional but repetitive. Looking at a few
pages is enchanting, but viewing them all is tedious.

The ragamala takes its name from its eighteenth-century owner, Richard John-
son, British resident at Hyderabad (1784-5). Johnson had lived in Calcutta, where
his interest in Indian culture brought him into contact with Warren Hastings and
Sir Elijah Impey, both patrons of Indian art. Johnson had also been posted to
Lucknow for two years where he was friendly with Antoine Polier, who owned
outstanding Indian miniatures, and the Frenchman Claude Martin. Johnson, with
his interest in Persian, Arabic and Sanskrit literature, was fascinated by the correla-
tion between Indian painting and music. This ragamala must have especially
appealed to him because of its evocation of poetical symbolism and musical modes.

Probably dating from a few decades later is the depiction of Nawab Saif al-Mulk,
son of Azim ul-Umara, prime minister of Asaf Jah II, selecting jewels brought to
him by a Hindu servant (Fig. 160). Real pieces of glistening blue-green beetle wing
pasted onto the surface of the picture represent the nawab’s emerald jewellery, a
technique common in Pahari and Deccani painting, but found almost nowhere else
in India. Brilliant tones of green, gold and mauve and rigidly precise shapes give the
effect of a magnificent object set with stones rather than the painterly record of a
real event. Despite the fact that we still enjoy these opulent little images, a deadly

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MINIATURE PAINTING: GOLCONDA AND OTHER CENTRES

160 Nawab Saif al-Mulk selecting jewels, attributed to Venkatachellam,
Hyderabad, c. 1795

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

See:

oan enna pt De Z
mere

161 Nawab Sikandar Jah sniffing a mango, Hyderabad, c. 1775

hardness has set in. Our feeling is of a fabulously rich material culture that is captive
to its past, with little scope for originality.

A few surviving sketches prove that some artists could draw refreshingly from life
should they be given the unlikely task of doing so. A small drawing of prince
Sikandar Jah, who later became Asaf Jah III, in the Latifi Collection, Bombay, is a
rare depiction of a moment in a child’s life (Fig. 161). He sits on the floor gloating
over his good luck, for he holds not one but two delicious mangoes, hardly knowing
which one to eat first, while we feast our eyes upon his doll-like body and elegant
gestures. As he was born in 1768 and appears to be about 6 or 7 in the drawing, we
date the work to c. 1775.

A second rapid sketch, this time with gold and pigment on an unpainted
background, in the Government Museum, Hyderabad, records a mother, or
servant girl, trying to cajole a little boy out of a peevish mood. While he tries to slap

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MINIATURE PAINTING: GOLCONDA AND OTHER CENTRES

162 Nawab Ghulam Ahmad Khan visiting Shaykh Burhanuddin Sahib,

Kurnool, ¢. 1815-23

her, she whispers to him, perhaps promising some halva if only he will behave. He
wears the muslin coat of the Deccan and a pointed cap very similar to that worn by
Sikandar Jah, suggesting that he too is a spoilt young prince.

Painting at some provincial courts south of Hyderabad retained vitality and
originality throughout the eighteenth century and well into the nineteenth, at a
time when stereotypes had become the rule at the capital. Muslim officers in
Aurangzeb’s service, Pathan (Afghan) in origin, established themselves at lesser
centres such as Kurnool and Cuddapah which later became independent states
paying tribute to the nizams. Hindu rajas ruled at Gadwal and Wanparthy.
Kurnool, picturesquely situated on the south bank of the Tungabhadra, was by far
the largest of these subordinate states and had the most important school of
painting. Surviving work consists entirely of portraits of the nawabs smoking
huqqas, listening to singers and, most frequently of all, paying visits to saints,
suggesting that the area was an important centre of Muslim piety.

In a miniature in the National Museum, New Delhi, Ghulam Ahmad Khan,
brother of the ruling nawab, Munawwar Khan (1815-23), stands during his visit to
the saint Burhanuddin Sahib (Fig. 162). The saint’s purity is conveyed by the

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

ee ¥

163. A disfigured begum enjoys her garden, Kurnool, c. 1780

austere whiteness of his cell which, however, has the scale and elaborate decoration
of a palace chamber. And although the figures are rigidly drawn, there is consider-
able strength in the composition and the architectural setting.

The finest Kurnool work to have come to light — if, indeed, it is from Kurnool —
is the remarkable study of the Disfigured begum, in a private collection (Fig. 163).
Not only is the begum dark-skinned, a feature generally thought unattractive in
India, but she has suffered a disfiguring illness, either smallpox or perhaps a stroke,
for her mouth is skewed up on her right side and she has lost an eye. We wonder
what agony she has been through. This image is unique in Indian miniature
painting where idealisation is the norm and such glimpses of harsh reality are kept
safely at a distance through heavy satire or caricature. With subtlety rather than
slapstick, the artist contrasts his subject’s horrible face with the beauty with which
she surrounds herself. What wonderful objects she owns and uses! And what a
garden! In keeping with Deccani tradition, it is a garden of dreams where waters
plash and giant dragonflies suck nectar from huge flowers.

The decorative detail of this innovative picture suggests Kurnool, or perhaps a
Hyderabad artist working there who was able to shed the dreary artistic formulae of
the capital. The arabesque of the carpet, as well as the red velvet cushion upon

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MINIATURE PAINTING: GOLCONDA AND OTHER CENTRES

164 Sadashiv Rao, called the Bhao Sahib, Maratha, c. 1750—G6o

which the begum reclines, are varnished to give sheen when turned in the light.
Kurnool, like Kashmir, was actually a centre for the manufacture of lacquerware
objects. Papier-maché fans, trays and boxes were decorated in low relief with
ornament identical to the detail in this picture, often in similar tones of green and
yellow. Miniature painters at Kurnool were probably responsible for the main
figures and overall compositions, while artisans from the lacquer industry meticu-
lously filled in the ornament.

PUNE AND SATARA

Even before the British protectorate of 1800, the Nizams were not in total control of
the Deccan. The Hindu Marathas possessed large tracts of the northern, western
and southern Deccan. They were organised in a loose confederacy of semi-
independent chiefs, centred at Satara, Kolhapur and Pune under the nominal
control of the chhatrapati, or emperor, a descendant of Shivaji. Other chiefs who
had been sent out to collect tribute from the provinces of the disintegrating Mughal
empire established kingdoms at Dhar, Indore, Gwalior and Baroda, all outside of
the Deccan proper.

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PRON Merete raat

165 Shahoor Maharaj Chhatrapati, Maratha, probably Satara, c. 1847

Little is known of Maratha painting. A few superb miniatures have come to light,
but it is still impossible to reconstruct the extent or the chronology of any school.
Probably each centre of Maratha power had its own regional style of portraiture;
outside the Deccan the maharajas of Gwalior and Baroda must have also patronised
miniature painting which had some links with Deccani styles because of the ruling
families’ dynastic ties to Maharashtra.

One of the most moving Deccani images of the eighteenth century is the
inscribed portrait of the young Maratha general Sadashiv Rao, called the Bhao
Sahib, in the Raja Dinkar Kelkar Museum, Pune (Fig. 164). Sadashiv Rao had
achieved brilliant victories over the Nizam in the 1750s, but was tragically killed at
the battle of Panipat in 1761. Here he is portrayed as charismatic and detached as a
Hindu god, with diminutive attendants ministering to his every need: one presents
a document, another announces the victor’s presence with a huge lacquered fan in
the shape of a great lotus leaf, while a third fans him with a fly whisk. The same
atmosphere of proud silence characterises contemporary Mandi portraits from the
Punjab Hills, hinting at yet another unexplained connection between the Deccani
and Pahari schools.

Maratha power was firm but ephemeral. The wealth which passed to Maratha
courts soon corrupted these sturdy warrior chiefs who had boasted of cutting down

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the withered tree of Mughal rule. They also withered, and at an alarming pace. For
decades the Maratha emperor’s hereditary prime minister, the peshwa, residing at
Pune, had wielded real power while his master survived as a figurehead. In 1818 the
British abolished the peshwa’s office and incorporated his lands into the Bombay
Presidency.

Now the British continued the fiction for several more decades. They reinstated
the Maratha emperor on the throne of Satara and, when he proved difficult,
replaced him with his adopted son, Shahoor Maharaj Chhatrapati. A painting of
this child-king’s court portrays the descendants of fierce Maratha warriors as
weightless puppets, the strings now being pulled from distant London (Fig. 165).
The figures look well-meaning, but the court is a mere stage set. The boy had ruled
for only a year when the British annexed Satara in 1848.

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CHAPTER 7

TEXTILES, METALWORK AND STONE
OBJECTS

PAINTED COTTONS

Amongst the Asian products which most stirred the admiration and envy of Europe
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were Chinese porcelains and Indian
painted cottons commonly called ‘chintzes’ in English-speaking countries. Com-
pared with European linens and woollens, Indian painted and dyed cottons seemed
almost miraculous: they were light and comfortable, they could be easily washed
and — most surprisingly — their rich colours were fast. The complicated and
time-consuming technology involved in the manufacture of these textiles was the
result of centuries, perhaps millennia, of secret knowledge gradually amassed,
refined and passed on from father to son. Cotton on its own will not accept
permanent dyeing; what Indian craftsmen had discovered was the use of mordants
(metallic salts which combine with various dyes and permit them to bond with
cotton fibres) in conjunction with resists (materials used to prevent colouring
particular areas of the cloth), the process permitting lively detailed patterning and
brilliant colours.

Several factors suggest that the best painted cottons were produced on the Bay of
Bengal (Coromandel) coast of the kingdom of Golconda. First, the vibrant tone of
red most prized in Europe was produced by the root of the chay plant when grown
in the calcium-rich soil of the Krishna river delta. Second, craftsmen on this coast
tended to use a pen and brush to apply colour, giving a much freer design than
could be achieved with blocks, which were more commonly used in western India.
Thirdly, the human figures resemble — and are occasionally identical to — known
Golconda paintings on paper, and certain motifs are present in other classes of
Deccani decorative arts. Furthermore, the French traveller Francois Bernier writes
in 1665 that the tent of Aurangzeb was ‘lined with painted chittes [chintzes] of that
fine workmanship of Masulipatam [Golconda’s major seaport], which represent a
hundred different sorts of flowers’.

An especially exciting painted cotton was recently acquired by the Victoria and
Albert Museum, London (Fig. 166). It is a double-niched hanging, originally either
part of a tent wall, or a qanat, a movable textile screen used to form room-like
enclosures inside or outside palaces. The hanging was once in the toshkhana (store)
of the maharajas of Amber in Rajasthan. On the left-hand panel a medallion of
furiously interlocking, snake-like palmettes occupies centre stage with giant falcons
seizing tiny antelopes. On the right-hand panel, a two-headed mythical bird or yali

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TEXTILES, METALWORK AND STONE OBJECTS

166 Painted cotton, double-niched hanging (qanat), from the toshkhana of the
Maharaja of Amber, Golconda, mid-seventeenth century

holds tiny elephants in its claws and devours others, part of the same tradition
which produced lion-shaped incense burners and animal friezes on the walls of
Golconda fort (see Figs. 82 and 174). The designs are drawn with that surging
energy typical of the Deccan, particularly at Golconda, be it glazed tilework,
miniature paintings, book illumination or metalwork.

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

Se
EN

ea:

from the toshkhana of the Maharaja of

first half of seventeenth century

Golconda,

Amber,

167 Detail of painted cotton floor spread

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TEXTILES, METALWORK AND STONE OBJECTS

168 Fragment from a painted cotton floor spread, Deccan, seventeenth century

A painted cotton fragment in the AEDTA Collection, Paris, represents a girl
dressed in red, feeding a beautifully formed mango to a green parrot which has
perched on her shoulder (see Colour Plate 10). She wears Deccani garments with
many strands of pearl chokers and abundant jewellery. Her facial type, costume and
proximity to a bird are reminiscent of the Dublin Yogini (see Fig. 129); probably
both are references to a character from local folklore. The dignity of the figure and
the restraint of the design differ significantly from other early seventeenth-century
painted cottons and suggest a different workshop.

More typical are the superb summer floor spread in the Victoria and Albert
Museum (Fig. 167), and a wall hanging in the Calico Museum, Ahmedabad. These
textiles represent the epitome of the dyer’s art in terms of technical sophistication

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

and originality of design, and are probably amongst the earliest surviving pieces. In
the London example, small figures of hunters, animals and lovers move as if in an
enchanted forest, dwarfed by wild extravagant plants. The back of this floor spread
bears the owner’s seal of Mirza Raja Jai Singh of Amber (1621-67) and inventory
dates of the Amber palace ranging between 1639 and 1650.

A fragmentary summer floor spread in the Philadelphia Museum of Art is made
up of two different painted cottons, one making the field, the other forming the
border on three sides. It bears a devanagari inscription on the reverse stating that it
was in the possession of a Muslim shrine and the inventory date 1690. Two small
textile fragments, one from the field and one from the border, are in the Victoria
and Albert Museum, one of which is reproduced here (Fig. 168). Although the
design of both is a repeat floral pattern, there is enough variation to prove it was
drawn freehand with a pen and brush, not stamped. The flowers show the vivacity
of Deccani forms beginning to be effected by Mughal formality during the reign of
Shah Jahan.

A qanat panel in the Khalili Collection, London, is the ultimate marriage of
Deccani vigour with Mughal restraint (see Colour Plate 11). A free depiction of a
giant poppy plant beneath a cusped arch, the red is particularly rich and glowing,
the drawing lively and the composition extremely bold. The red Chinese clouds
and plant tendrils have the delicacy of coral branches. The detailing in the leaves
and flower petals is so infinitely fine — produced by the subtle use of resists — that it
resembles the effect of the most masterful marbling on paper, a Deccani craft (see
Fig. 136). This qanat is closely related to a panel in the Metropolitan Museum, New
York, of identical quality and similar size, which — like so many other great painted
cottons — came from the Amber Palace Collection.

METALWORK

Surprisingly, Deccani metalwork is more plentiful and better known than that from
any other region of India. The cause of such relative abundance — in fact, the
quantity is much smaller than from comparable periods of European history — was
the survival of the kingdom of Hyderabad and the Islamic way of life it protected
until well into the twentieth century. Cocooned by a traditional environment,
Deccani Muslims — and Hindus — tended to retain vessels and paraphernalia which
they had inherited from their forbears. Even if they did not choose to use such
old-fashioned items, they were less influenced by foreign fashions and, therefore,
less likely than their co-religionists in British India to have metal objects melted
down. Thus in a country with little taste for preserving or collecting artefacts of the
past, a significant number of weapons and vessels passed unscathed into present-day
collections and into art historical awareness.

The Deccan produced marvellously designed daggers and swords, their hilts

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TEXTILES, METALWORK AND STONE OBJECTS

169 Steel dagger with gilt copper hilt, Golconda, c. 1600

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

170 Detail of portrait of Sultan Ali Adil Shah I, Bijapur, c. 1605

composed of entwined animal shapes, usually lions, elephants, simurghs and
dragons locked in furious combat. Two such daggers survive, one in the David
Collection, Copenhagen, the other formerly belonging to Howard Ricketts, Lon-
don. There are also two swords in the British Museum, London, and in the
Government Museum, Bikaner, bearing inscriptions mentioning ‘Adoni’, the Adil
Shahi fortress stormed by the Mughals in 1689.

Recently, a third dagger, now in the David Collection, Copenhagen, the finest of
the group, turned up on the London art market (Fig. 169). Its gilt copper hilt is a
seething mass of fantastic animals, a fusion of the South Indian sculptural tradition
with the Islamic arabesque, reminiscent of early Golconda painting. Disparate
elements are brilliantly reconciled. The quilon is formed of two grotesque masks,
Italian in origin but transformed by Deccani taste, and two birds, their tails giving
rise to an elegant grip set with rubies. The grip is composed of a lion grasping a tiny
elephant on one side, and a simurgh and a dragon biting and snarling at each other
on the other. Friezes on the walls of Golconda fort and a series of bronze incense
burners use similar lions and elephants (see Figs. 82 and 174). The extraordinary
elegance of these motifs coupled with their tremendous animal vitality makes this

232

TEXTILES, METALWORK AND STONE OBJECTS

171 Steel vambrace (arm guard) overlaid with gold, Deccan, mid-seventeenth century

dagger one of the greatest masterpieces of Indo-Islamic design. Sultan Ali Adil Shah
I of Bijapur actually wears a similarly conceived dagger in a portrait now in the
Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Washington (Fig. 170).

The Islamic component of Deccani art dominates the decorative scheme of a
vambrace (arm guard) in a private collection (Fig. 171). Fine scrollwork, composed
of gold overlay, ‘negative’ within cusped medallions and ‘positive’ without, has the
surging vitality we associate with early Deccani ornament. Similar palmettes fill the
borders of a Golconda painted cotton summer floor covering in the Cincinnati Art
Museum, a piece of which bears an Indian inventory date of 1645. The ogivally
arched form of the vambrace is a characteristic common to both the textile design
and the architecture of the Deccan.

A small group of zoomorphic incense burners survives from the Sultanate period,
one in the shape of a peacock and three lion-shaped pieces, one of which is

233

ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

172 Bronze incense burner in the shape of a peacock, Deccan, late fifteenth or
early sixteenth century

discussed here. The peacock incense burner successfully joins the abstraction of
Islam with Indian plasticity (Fig. 172). The comma-shaped flourishes on the tail
and crest are South Indian features. Similar birds dance on the steps of the Throne
of Prosperity in the Nujum al Ulum manuscript in Dublin dated 1570-1 (see Fig.
173). As the peacock shows little of the naturalism inaugurated by Mughal painting
in the second half of the sixteenth century, we assign it to the late fifteenth or early
sixteenth century.

The leonine vessel uses the old Deccani motif of a lion with an upraised paw,
sometimes standing alone or, as here, trampling a tiny elephant (Fig. 174). Such
creatures appear carved on the facades of the earlier Hoysala temples of the southern
Deccan and on the walls of Golconda fort (see Fig. 82). Along with the prancing
peacocks already noted, similar animals are also seen on the pages of the Nujum al
Ulum. This lion’s plump features, horns and bulging eyes derive from the Deccani
repertoire, especially from the fantastic leonine beast, the yali. But there is also the
influence of the animal vessels of the Middle East, especially from Seljug Iran.

The only other candidate for a Sultanate dating is a beautiful bronze bowl with a

234

TEXTILES, METALWORK AND STONE OBJECTS

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173 Detail of the Throne of Prosperity, fol. 191 r. of the Nujum al Ulum, Bijapur,
dated 1570-1

rounded body and a raised, cusped rim in the shape of a ten-pointed star (Fig. 175).
Beneath the rim are fretwork brackets. Each of the ten panels is engraved with
loosely drawn Timurid-style arabesque upon a ring-punched ground. The cusped
stellar shape of the bowl recalls the terrace pools in Sultanate and Mughal palaces,
the closest parallel being the fifteenth-century cistern in the Lal Bagh at Bidar which
has fourteen cusped points (see Fig. 35). The bowl’s tiered body and brackets
beneath the rim are South Indian features: the decorative platform in the centre of
the tank in front of the Asar Mahal, Bijapur, has the same tiered and bracketed
profile.

A group of about twenty bronze, brass or copper vessels decorated with superb
thuluth script can be attributed to the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Deccan
on stylistic grounds. Their inscriptions are in the style of the Arabic epigraphy
carved on black basalt panels in mosques and tombs in the Golconda-Hyderabad
area (see chapter 4). Designed by the best émigré scribes from Iran or the Arab
world, such calligraphic compositions are on average of a quality far superior to the
epigraphy in contemporary North Indian buildings. The chief traits of this group
of vessels can be summarised as follows: the metal is often thicker than that of
Safavid or Mughal pieces; the calligraphy, almost always thuluth but occasionally

235

ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

174 Bronze incense burner in the shape of a lion, Deccan, late fifteenth or early
sixteenth century

naskh, is of an especially bold type, much larger in relation to the size of the object
than the script on Mughal or Safavid pieces and having that special, energetic
quality characteristic of the best Deccani ornament; the content of the inscriptions
is frequently Shia, the invocation to Ali being particularly common; the dragon
heads on kashkuls (begging bowls) and engraved animal motifs on other vessels
have a pronounced South Indian flavour; lastly, the repertoire of shapes differs
substantially from that of Safavid metalwork, including mainly trays, plaques, lotas
(globular Indian water vases, unknown in Iran) and stemmed cups, as well as
kashkuls and alams.

The large copper salver with traces of gilding in the Mittal Museum, Hyderabad,
is by far the finest of this group of vessels (Fig. 176). It surpasses Safavid and
Timurid models, and the designer must have been an exceptional painter from the
royal Golconda atelier. As on related lotas and stemmed cups, the ornament is
arranged in concentric bands around a central roundel enclosing a South Indian
hamsa, or swan. An extraordinary thuluth inscription relates the Shia profession of
faith, followed by a verse from the Koran (Lx1, 13). The part which really astonishes,
however, is the outer field which presents the animals of Iranian painting and
Indian jungles with a freedom and naturalism that only the best Indian painting can

236

TEXTILES, METALWORK AND STONE OBJECTS

175 Bronze bowl in the shape of a ten-pointed star, Deccan, fifteenth century

rival. This menagerie includes phoenixes, lions, dragons, cows and elephants, all set
against a dense arabesque of great vigour. The hamsa and the lion with an upraised
paw — an ancient South Indian motif — place the salver firmly in the Deccan.

A large kashkul in the David Collection, Copenhagen, surpasses in size and
quality not only other Deccani begging bowls, but surviving Safavid and Timurid
examples as well (Fig. 177). Of thick, well-cast brass, it has mellowed to the black
tone typical of patinated Deccani vessels. We cannot imagine that a mendicant
could easily carry such a weighty piece; instead, it probably served as a ceremonial
object in a shaykh’s tomb. Its roaring dragon finials, crested and bearded in South
Indian fashion, have the mass and naturalism that derives from the Hindu sculp-
tural tradition. The broad calligraphic frieze beneath the rim on the outside is the
Shia call to Ali, the nadi aliyyan, followed by a Koranic verse: ‘succour is from God

237

ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

176 Detail of engraved copper salver with traces of gilding, Golconda, c. 1600

and victory near’ (LxI, 13). Inside, concentric registers round a central almond-
shaped medallion at the bottom enclose pious phrases and Shia prayers.

Another piece that may have had a sacred connection is a lamp or incense burner
of openwork cast brass, in a private collection (Fig. 178). Its fantastic shape is a
minute version of Deccani tomb architecture: its polygonal plan imitates shrines at
Bidar and Golconda; its feet resemble pilaster brackets; its small round dome
perched high up on a fringe of lotus petals and the pendant lotus bud on one corner
—all the others are lost — reproduce a Bijapur minaret in miniature (Fig. 61). We can
well imagine this exotic object gracing a shaykh’s tomb and the amazement of
devotees seeing the clouds of perfumed smoke billowing out from its extravagant
shape or, if used as a lamp, the intricate shadows which it cast all around.

An important class of Deccani metalwork is bidri, the black alloy containing
mainly zinc, made in Bidar, inlaid with designs of silver or brass and very

238

TEXTILES, METALWORK AND STONE OBJECTS

178 Brass incense burner in the shape of an octagonal shrine, Deccan,
seventeenth century

239

ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

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179 Bidri huqga base inlaid with brass and silver, Bidar, mid-seventeenth century

occasionally copper. The finest examples share the sombre fantastic air of early
Deccani painting. Probably developed to rival the opulently inlaid metal wares of
the Middle East, the craft may date back to the fourteenth or fifteenth cen-
tury,though the oldest extant pieces cannot be earlier than the late sixteenth or early
seventeenth centuries.

A highly original Bidar craftsman, probably working in the mid-seventeenth
century, produced a closely related group of four huqqas with rare pictorial
ornament, one of which is reproduced here (Fig. 179). Wine cups and vases fill the
niches of pleasure pavilions, tall palms cast shade, forts crown rocky crags exactly as
in Deccani paintings — and in the real landscape of the region — and precious

240

TEXTILES, METALWORK AND STONE OBJECTS

180 Bidri tray inlaid with brass and silver, Bidar, seventeenth century

springs gush forth from rocks forming the cooling stream which encircles the
bottom of the globe. The division of the huqga surface into water, earth and sky,
with all possible pleasures provided, evokes the idea of an ideal world. We are
reminded of the Koranic paradise garden, a theme as old as Islam itself, most
completely expressed in the grand mosaic scheme of the Umayyad mosque at
Damascus. The brass and silver inlay on a seventeenth-century bidri tray, which
originally would have supported a matching huqqa, forms a magnificent sunburst
pattern radiating out from a central lotus motif, one of the most powerful designs
from Muslim India (Fig. 180).

Another aspect of Deccani metalwork is represented by the ceremonial standards
known as alams, noticed already in the discussion on tilework (chapter 4). Metal
alams are still used in Shia mourning rituals in Hyderabad and collections of such
items are to be found in the ashurkhanas of the city. Royal chronicles of the Qutb

241

ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

181 Brass alam in the shape of a protective hand, dated 1766-7, Badshahi Ashurkhana,
Hyderabad

Shahi era mention gold alams studded with jewels, but these no longer exist. The
brass alams preserved in the treasury of the Badshahi Ashurkhana in Hyderabad
post-date the Qutb Shahi period, but are, nevertheless, of great quality. Like earlier
Deccani metalwork, they are decorated with fine thuluth script. Dragon heads of
the South Indian makara type enliven extravagant silhouettes. The finest piece is
based on the shape of the protective hand symbolic of the five figures of Shia Islam —
Muhammad, Fatima, Ali, Hassan and Husain — and is dated 1766-7 (Fig. 181).
Dragons on each side bear minute zulfigars, Ali’s double-edged sword; the fine
thuluth script is confined to roundels and cartouches, like Deccani architectural
ornament.

Masterfully worked silver wire was used in the filigree objects made at Karim-
nagar north of Hyderabad. A dressing table set, which includes containers, rose
water sprinklers and candlestands, in the Lord Clive Collection, Powis Castle,
Wales, was first inventoried in 1774 and must, therefore, date from shortly before
then. Even finer filigree fills the space between silver gilt ribs, rippling like waves, in
the field of a large elegant tray of slightly earlier date (Fig. 182). A coarser casket of

242

TEXTILES, METALWORK AND STONE OBJECTS

182 Silver filigree tray with gilding on ribs, Karimnagar, eighteenth century

183 Boat-shaped mortar of polished nearly black basalt, Golconda, seventeenth century

243

ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

184 Footed bowl of polished black basalt, Asar Mahal, Bijapur, seventeenth century

the same work containing flasks and a ladle stamped ‘Hyder’ (presumably for
Haidar Ali) was found by the British in the palace of Tipu Sultan at Srirangapattana
in 1799; it is now in the British Museum, London. A small collection of early pieces
is preserved in the Salar Jang Museum, Hyderabad. Modern, but tasteless filigree
items are still produced at Karimnagar, as well as at Cuttack in Orissa.

PORTABLE STONE OBJECTS

Compared to the large number of Mughal jades and marble objects from North
India, almost nothing survives of what must have been an equally important stone
carving industry in the Deccan. In the National Museum, Delhi, there is a
boat-shaped mortar of polished, almost black basalt with ogivally arched ends, very
much in the tradition of Golconda cenotaphs and Bidar architectural ornament
(see chapter 4). An attribution to a Deccani Sultanate workshop is not merely
conjectural: the mortar bears a large naskh inscription mentioning Sultan Muham-
mad Quli Qutb Shah. A larger vessel of similar form, but with no inscription, is ina

244

TEXTILES, METALWORK AND STONE OBJECTS

185 Sygmoid-shaped bowl of serpentine marble, Deccan, seventeenth century

private collection (Fig. 183). The basalt from which it is fashioned is nearly black,
veering to dark purple, flecked with brown feldspar, qualities typical of the Deccani
mineral.

A large footed bowl, approximately 40 centimetres in diameter, survives in the
Asar Mahal in Bijapur (Fig. 184). The vessel is of polished black basalt and is
dramatically cusped. The twisted ribbing of the body has exactly the same shape as
the curved rays of the dais in the Golconda hammam (see Fig. 91). It may be a
seventeenth-century incense burner, for a smaller, less powerful object of this type
survives in the Badshahi Ashurkhana at Hyderabad where it is still used for this
purpose.

Another candidate for a seventeenth-century Deccani provenance is a vessel of
sygmoidal form (Fig. 185). The green serpentine marble out of which this object is
cut is found on the Deccan plateau. Its local Persian and Urdu name is zahr muhra,
or poison stone, following the belief that a vessel of serpentine marble — like one of
celadon — will discolour or crack if food containing poison is placed inside. Its
elegant shape is geometric, but reminds us also of a leaf or flower petal. A Deccani
bronze bowl of the same shape but deeper, engraved with thuluth script and
probably used as a kashkul, is in the David Collection, Copenhagen.

245

CHAPTER 8

TEMPLES

Hindu religious architecture in the Deccan was effectively brought to an end by the
Delhi conquests. Temples all over the region were desecrated and destroyed, their
ceremonies profoundly disrupted if not altogether extinguished. So complete was
the devastation that when need arose again to build Hindu sanctuaries in the second
half of the seventeenth century there was no living tradition to draw on; the
immediate solution was to borrow from contemporary practice. The extent to
which Maratha temples relied on Sultanate and Mughal architecture is seen in the
techniques and decorative devices derived from mosques and tombs (see chapter 3).
The earliest Maratha temples, such as Shivaji’s shrine at Raigad and his memorial at
Sindhudurg, are built of stone and mortar, with repeated use of pointed arches as
well as vaults and domes supported on pendentives and squinches. Ornamentation
is generally restricted to stylised parapet elements and lotus finials. Such a depend-
ence on techniques and features derived from mosques and tombs, whether
Sultanate or Mughal, does not seem to have implied any religious associations;
rather, it was merely a case of adopting traditions which lay nearest to hand.

As temple building increased in response to the expansion of Maratha power in
the course of the eighteenth century, architects also took opportunities to study the
remains of past traditions. The most readily available models in the Maratha
heartland were the Yadava temples of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the
dilapidated remains of which were plainly visible throughout the western Deccan.
No historical evidence exists to show how exactly these earlier monuments were
studied; the results, however, are clear. Imitation Yadava temples sprang up all over
the Maratha territories, as at Nasik, Trimbak and Ellora. Not only were Yadava
plan types and elevational treatments closely copied, attempts were also made to
emulate Yadava religious art, with figures and animals carved on basements, wall
niches and column blocks. In time, all of these disparate, though essentially
indigenous traditions were reconciled, with Sultanate and Mughal features blend-
ing effortlessly with revivalist Yadava features.

The appearance of this synthetic mode coincides with religious developments in
Maharashtra during this time. The growth in popularity of the cults of Bhavani of
Tuljapur, Khandoba of Jejuri and Vithoba at Pandharpur, for instance, is explained
by the support given to these divinities by Shivaji and his successors. In response to
what was, in effect, a revival of popular Hinduism, temples at these and other
pilgrimage sites, including Nasik, Ellora and Ramtek, benefited from substantial
investment. So thoroughly were existing temples at these localities remodelled by

246

TEMPLES

Maratha patrons that sometimes almost nothing is preserved of their earlier,
pre-Sultanate fabric.

Another factor affecting Hindu religious architecture in the Maratha era was the
close identification of sponsor and monument. Many building projects were the
result of a single figure who took a particular interest in the god or goddess
worshipped there and whose name was inscribed on a plaque recording the bequest
near to the entrance. Temple building was a visible means of asserting authority,
especially by powerful personalities in recently won territories, such as the Bhon-
sales of Nagpur or the Chhatrapatis of Kolhapur. The commitment to temple
building by the Holkars, for example, parallels their emerging autonomy; so too the
activities of newly prominent families, like the Pant Pratinidhis of Mahuli or the
Rastes of Wai.

A development to be noted towards the end of the period under review here is
the appearance of the memorial shrine, termed chhatri, dedicated to a particular
ruler. This practice, hitherto unknown in the Deccan, was probably imported into
the region from Rajasthan where there was a long-standing tradition of royal
chhatri building. The linga shrine which serves as a memorial to Shivaji at
Sindhudurg is the first such structure. This is followed by a series of later funerary
monuments that reaches its climax in the chhatri of Ahilyabai at Maheshwar,
the grandest of the Maratha series. This ornate building resembles a temple
in all essential respects, except that it is consecrated to a historical queen who is
worshipped there as a saint.

SHIVAJI AND HIS DESCENDANTS

Hindu religious architecture under the Marathas was initiated at Raigad where
Shivaji erected a linga shrine to Jagadishvara in 1674, the year of his coronation (Fig.
186). The temple stands in a walled compound with an arched entrance on the east
leading to Shivaji’s cremation site. The shrine itself is a somewhat austere structure
with a sanctuary housing the image of the deity and an attached mandapa, or hall,
both raised on a common plinth. Plain walls are overhung by sloping stone eaves on
brackets, now mostly lost. The parapet above has trefoil elements in relief running
between octagonal corner finials with domical tops. The sanctuary is roofed with a
plastered dome on a petalled frieze; this contrasts with the pyramidal vault above
the mandapa. An earlier temple erected by Shivaji is the Bhavani shrine at
Pratapgad, founded in 1661 to replicate the cult at Tuljapur. This modest building
is of little merit, except for the two stone lamp columns, or dipamalas,
with tapering profiles and tiers of curving brackets. This feature was to become
ubiquitous in later religious complexes.

It was Rajaram who was responsible for erecting the Shivarajeshvara temple on
the island fort at Sindhudurg in 1695 (Fig. 187). The original scheme consists of a
sanctuary and arcaded mandapa. The exterior of the building is devoid of interest,

247

ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

186 Jagadishvara temple, Raigad, 1674

except for the pyramidal tower over the sanctuary. This is created by dimishing tiers
capped with an octagonal finial with a bulbous domical top on a petalled base. The
attached mandapa has a triple-aisled interior created by massive piers carrying
semi-circular arches. Continuous curved vaults roof the side aisles, while three
raised vaults with curved sides rise above the central aisle. Each of these vaults is
capped with a domical finial similar to that on the tower. As with the Jagadishvara,
the vaulting techniques and parapet and finial elements are all familiar from
Sultanate practice; the combination of these features, however, is unlike anything
known before.

THE PESHWAS

The inventive adaptation of Sultanate forms for Hindu ritual usage seen at Raigad
and Sindhudurg seems to have set a trend that was followed in the temples erected
by the peshwas and their ministers during the course of the eighteenth century. By
this time Mughal architecture was established in the Deccan and its impact
extended as far as Hindu religious buildings. The most obvious Mughal features to
appear in Maratha temples are lobed arches and arcades serving as entrances to
mandapas and porches. Superstructures also betray Mughal influence. Polygonal,

248

TEMPLES

187 Shivarajeshvara temple, Sindhudurg, 1695

multi-stage towers consist of tiers of niches framed by fluted columns and headed
with lobed arches; capping bangla cornices are enlivened with curving petalled
cornices. Finials take bulbous domical forms that rise on tiers of petals.

The Omkareshvara temple at Pune erected by Bajirao in 1736 skilfully integrates
Sultanate constructional devices with Mughal decorative features (Fig. 188). The
temple stands within a high-walled compound entered on the east through an
arched portal. It is laid out on a nine-square plan, the bays roofed with flattish
domes on faceted pendentives, replaced by vaults over the two front corner bays.
The linga sanctuary, which occupies the central bay, has a doorway on the east and
screens on the other three sides. The exterior is plain, except for a bold cornice on
lotus brackets and a parapet of cut-out battlements. Eight low domes surround the
square tower that rises over the central bay. This displays two diminishing tiers of
lobed arches topped with a bulbous lotus dome.

Other temples at Pune are simpler in layout, the attention focusing mainly on
the central spire. The example in Tulsibagh constructed in 1761 by Balaji Bajirao
has an unadorned square sanctuary. This is topped with an ornate brick and plaster
tower attaining an overall height of about 45 metres. The spire is divided into six
stages, the lowest being square, the remainder twelve-sided. Each stage is adorned
with a set of sculpture niches in the typical Mughal manner; miniature lotus domes
serve as finials, duplicated at the summit of the central spire. The temple in nearby

249

ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

188 Plan of Omkareshvara temple, Pune, 1736

Belbagh, begun four years later, displays a similar but shorter tower. Its sanctuary is
approached through an antechamber with a Mughal-style arcade. Similar arcades
with lobed arches serve as the entrance to the domed mandapa adjoining the
sanctuary of the Rameshvara temple. The polygonal spire of the Vitthalvadi has
only two tiers of twelve niches, giving the temple a somewhat stunted appearance.

Tapering twelve-sided towers with multiple layers of lobed niches continue to be
popular throughout the eighteenth century, being adopted in the rebuilding
projects commissioned by the peshwas at important religious sites like Alandi and
Tuljapur. Religious monuments erected at the lesser centres of the Maratha state
generally combine Sultanate and Mughal features with revivalist halls and porches.
The almost identical Vateshvara and Sangameshvara temples dating from 1725 on
the outskirts of Sasvad imitate the star-shaped sanctuaries, closed mandapas and
open porches of Yadava times. Both examples stand on fortified terraces with pairs
of dipamalas at the front corners. The outer walls are articulated by deeply cut

250

TEMPLES

horizontal mouldings relieved by friezes of medallions and petals, overhung by
projecting eaves. Multi-faceted brick and plaster towers rising in three diminishing
stages repeat the projections of the sanctuaries beneath. Central panels curve up in
tusk-like formation on four sides to frame the petalled bulbous domes which crown
the superstructures. Smaller and simpler towers crown the mandapa roofs; finials
with domical tops surmount corner buttresses. The porches display well-articulated
stone columns and brackets.

Temples at Mahuli on the Krishna, 5 kilometres east of Satara, display slightly
different combinations of elements. The largest of this group is the Vishveshvara,
erected in about 1735 by Shripatrao, a member of the local Pant Pratinidhi family
(Fig. 189). The main building stands on a polygonal terrace, partly surrounded by
arcades, with steps descending to the river either side of a centrally placed dipamala.
A sanctuary with angled corners in star-shaped formation opens off an open
mandapa with projecting porches and balcony seating on three sides. The tower
reflects the angled projections of the sanctuary beneath, onto which are superim-
posed shallow niches with bangla cornices. The tower is capped with a bulbous
dome on a prominent petalled neck. A smaller tower repeating many of these
elements crowns the adjoining antechamber; the capping dome here is fluted rather
than plain. Turrets treated as miniature pavilions rise upon the roof of the mandapa
as well as that of the Nandi pavilion that stands freely in front. The tower of the
nearby Sangameshvara temple presents a simpler curving design with central
panels, similar to the Sasvad monuments already noted. The sanctuary at Shing-
napur, about 75 kilometres to the east, is stylistically related to the Mahuli group.

Temples on the Krishna at Wai, 35 kilometres upstream from Mahuli, were
sponsored by members of the local Raste family. Some present conventional
schemes. The Kashivishveshvara of 1757, a project of Anandrao Bhikaji, stands in a
walled compound entered through an arched gate on the east. The plain walls of the
sanctuary and mandapa have small perforated stone windows, one of which
displays a design with knotted serpents. The twelve-sided tower has triple sets of
niches capped by a fluted petalled dome. The mandapa is roofed with a lotus dome
on pendentives. A large tortoise is engraved on the floor beneath. In contrast, the
sanctuary interior is roofed with a curved vault. The free-standing Nandi pavilion
in front is flanked by a pair of octagonal dipamalas.

The Ganapati temple at Wai, erected in 1762 by Ganapatrao Bhikaji, presents a
contrasting design of striking originality (Fig. 190). This imposing monument
consists of a large rectangular chamber with a pyramidal vault housing a 2
metre-high image of Ganesha. Unadorned exterior walls are surmounted by a brick
and plaster tower shaped as a fluted cone more than 20 metres high. This
remarkable composition is adorned with petals at the base and with ribbed circular
motifs at the summit; diminutive replica cones mark the corners. Comparable
pyramidal towers with alternating convex and angled flutings are seen in several
smaller temples at Pune. Another of the Wai temples which shows some measure of

251

ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

189 Vishveshvara temple, Mahuli, c. 1735

252

TEMPLES

190 Ganapati temple, Wai, 1762

originality is the Mahalakshmi completed in 1778. Its tower presents five diminish-
ing tiers of twelve arched niches in shallow relief arranged in circular rather than
polygonal formation.

Domical forms, generally in plaster-covered brickwork, sometimes replace
polygonal spires. The Siddheshvara at Toke, on the bank of the Godavari, 55
kilometres north-east of Ahmadnagar, is of interest for the central dome surroun-
ded by eight lesser half-domes which cluster around it. The vertical contours of

253

ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

these domes contrast with the flattish profile of the dome over the mandapa. The
outer walls of the temple have multiple projections relieved by deeply cut horizontal
mouldings. These run almost continuously around the balcony seating of the partly
open hall.

Imitation of earlier modes has already been noted as a distinctive attribute of
Maratha temple architecture. Deeply cut horizontal bands, occasionally with
shallow friezes of stylised ornament, articulate the outer walls of both sanctuaries
and mandapas. Smoothly curving towers have lesser spires of identical shape
superimposed on the sides, each with the same circular ribbed element and pot
finial that cap the central shaft. Doorways both inside and outside employ pilasters,
angled eaves and pediments of serpentine designs. Among the examples displaying
this range of revivalist features are the Sundarnarayana and Naroshankara, the
former dating from 1756, standing on opposite banks of the Godavari at Nasik.
Mandapas of these temples are approached through triple porches with balcony
seating. The roofs vary: bulbous domes with pronounced ribbing are seen in the
Sundarnarayana, whereas the Naroshankara has complicated pyramids of sculpted
elements with vertical faces creating triangular facets. One of the finest doorways of
the type already noted is that leading into the mandapa of the Trishunda Ganapati
temple at Pune, completed in 1770. As at Nasik, this entrance is flanked by wall
niches of obvious Mughal inspiration, with fluted columns and bangla roofs in
relief (see Fig. 199).

Curved towers of the same type as at Nasik cap the slightly later Mohiniraja
temple at Nevase, about 40 kilometres north of Ahmadnagar. The mandapa in this
example has eight columns carrying beams carved with Hindu subjects; the cor-
belled dome above has a central pendant lotus. A later version of this curving spire is
seen in the Kalarama temple at Nasik, completed in 1790. Bulbous domes with
articulated horizontal mouldings roof both mandapa and porch. Yet another
variation on the clustered tower theme occurs at Bhimashankar, a remote forested
site 120 kilometres north-west of Pune. The dilapidated Yadava temple here was
entirely reconstructed by financiers from Pune, the tower itself being the responsi-
bility of Nana Phadnavis, minister of the later peshwas.

Arguably the most impressive revivalist temple of the Maratha series is the
Trimbakeshvara at a site marking the source of the Godavari, 30 kilometres west of
Nasik (Fig. 191). The monument was begun under Balaji Bajirao, but work
continued until the end of the eighteenth century. The sanctuary presents a
multi-faceted plan approaching a diagonal square. Wall projections are carried up
into the spire where they are transformed into double tiers of diminutive towered
elements. Shallow outlines of superimposed curved spires, each with a ribbed
part-circular finial, flank the four sides of the central shaft. The hall and trio of
entrance porches, as well as the Nandi pavilion in front, are roofed with pyramids of
ribbed elements with triangular side facets.

That the memorial chhatri tradition was continued by the peshwas is seen at

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TEMPLES

191 Trimbakeshvara temple, Trimbak, mid-eighteenth century

Raver on the south bank of the Narmada, about 35 kilometres upstream from
Maheshwar. The cenotaph of Bajirao is a modest hexagonal building raised on a
square plinth. Its sandstone walls have arched recesses in the middle of each side.
Perforated screens with geometric and looped designs are placed above. The walls
are topped with a plain cornice. There is no dome or any roof, the monument being
open to the sky.

HOLKARS, BHONSALES AND OTHER MARATHA FAMILIES

The synthetic but ubiquitous temple style continued to evolve in the later decades
of the eighteenth century under the sponsorship of lesser military figures, some of
whom emerged as autonomous rulers in the farther territories of the Maratha
empire. The Holkars of Indore built extensively in the Deccan, Malwa and other
parts of Central India, especially under the capable direction of Ahilyabai and her
general Tukoji. The most architecturally ambitious monument in Maharashtra to
be associated with this queen is the revivalist Ghrishneshvara temple standing
in front of the rock-cut monuments at Ellora (Figs. 192 and 193). The finely
worked sandstone walls of the south-facing sanctuary are articulated by deeply cut

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

192 Plan of Ghrishneshvara temple, Ellora, last quarter of eighteenth century

256

TEMPLES

193 Ghrishneshvara temple

horizontal mouldings as well as by shallow projections. The brick and plaster tower
rising above is divided into diminishing tiers of model elements arranged either side
of central bands that terminate in a bulbous domical finial on petals. The frontal
projection shows an encrusted arch framing Shiva and Parvati riding on Nandi.
The adjoining open mandapa accommodating a sculpted Nandi has porch projec-
tions with balcony seating on three sides. The interior of the sanctuary, in excess of 5
metres square, is roofed by a dome carried on corner arches. A related work by
Ahilyabai at Ellora is the pond known as Shivatirtha, a short distance from the
Grishneshvara (Fig. 194). The stepped basin stands in a square enclosure with
entrances in the middle of four sides. Eight small linga pavilions with pyramidal or
curving clustered roofs are distributed around the water. The complex is notable for
the strictly symmetrical design and fine degree of finish of the architectural
portions.

Another monument that benefited from Holkar patronage is the Khandoba
temple at Jejuri, 16 kilometres south of Sasvad, which was renovated by Tukoji in
about 1770. The main shrine, which stands in a polygonal arcaded compound at the
top of a steep hill, is a modest structure capped with Mughal-style pavilions

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

Se os
= al

194 Shivatirtha, Ellora, last quarter of eighteenth century

showing bangla cornices. The Panchalinga shrine to the rear is distinguished by an
octagonal spire with triple tiers of niches topped with a domical finial. A line of four
imposing dipamalas stands in front of the shrines (Fig. 195). These tapering
octagonal columns are topped with petalled domical finials.

Further Mughal-derived elements are seen in the arched entrance to the complex
and in the gateways lining the access steps. The small Mahadeva shrine in the town
below is also the work of Tukoji. The chief object of worship here is a linga behind
which are statues of Malharo and his three wives.

Maheshwar on the bank of the Narmada, at the northern extremity of the
Deccan, became the Holkar capital under Ahilyabai, who oversaw the construction
of the palace here as well as nearby shrines, rest-houses and chhatris. The memorial
that she erected for her infant son Vitthalrao, who died in 1765, is a small but
elegant building dominated by a Mughal-style fluted dome, the curving segments
rising upon well-formed acanthus decoration. At the same time, Ahilyabai was also
actively engaged in temple building at localities well beyond her capital. Her
temples at Varanasi and Gaya, for instance, are among the most significant Hindu
constructional projects in North India belonging to the second half of the eight-
eenth century. They fall, however, beyond the geographical confines of this study.

The largest monument at Maheshwar, actually dedicated to Ahilyabai herself,
was begun by her successor Yeshwantrao in 1799, four years after her death, but

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TEMPLES

195 Stone lamp columns (dipamalas) in the Khandoba temple, Jejuri, last
quarter of eighteenth century

completed only in 1833 by Krishnabai, Yeshwantrao’s widow. Ahilyabai’s memorial
forms part of a grandiose complex, incorporating Vitthalrao’s chhatri with which it
is aligned, and a monumental entrance gate approached from the river by an
imposing flight of steps. Ahilyabai’s chhatri is dominated by a cluster of curving
towered elements that rises over an inner domed sanctuary. This is preceded by an
open mandapa displaying cusped arches as well as pavilion-like parapet elements
topped with miniature domes.

The Bhonsales became active temple builders only after they had established
themselves at Nagpur in the Gond territories of eastern Maharashtra in about 1740.
Their religious monuments reconcile Mughal-inspired features with revivalist
features drawn from earlier Central Indian temple practice. The Raghurajeshvari
and Rukmini temples standing in adjacent compounds in the centre of Nagpur are
assigned to the reign of Raghuji II in the last quarter of the eighteenth century (Fig.
196). These almost identical sanctuaries are approached through Mughal-style halls
with fluted columns and lobed arcades, all fashioned in wood. The shrines, finely
executed in deep red sandstone, are laid out on 24-sided star-shaped plans with
multiple angles approaching a circle. Sculptural friezes animate the basement
mouldings, wall niches and brackets carrying the overhangs. The towers above

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

196 Rukmini temple, Nagpur, late eighteenth century

repeat the angled projections of the walls, here converted into tiers of miniature
tower models. Central vertical bands decorated with shallow geometric patterns
display superimposed tiers of towered profiles with sharply pointed pinnacles.
These ascend to circular ribbed elements and pot finials. Antechambers have their
own towers, with similar but simpler curved designs. Among the other temples of
this type at Nagpur is the small Mahadeva shrine on the bank of the Shukrawani
tank. The frontal face of its tower is carved with a band of dense foliate ornamen-
tation that surrounds the trilobed entrance to a roof-top chamber. The tower of the
Muralidhar temple, built of plaster-covered brick, presents a less complicated
multi-faceted scheme. Diminishing tiers of lobed niches accommodating miniature
figures ascend to a domical finial framed by standing Nandis.

Of equal architectural interest are the Bhonsale chhatris in the Navi Shukrawari
enclave near the Nag river, south-east of Nagpur’s centre. The memorial of Raghuji
I, the most elaborate of the group, has a central square chamber with axial doorways
roofed by a conical tower with shallow faceted sides and pot finials. A verandah with
angled arched openings proceeds around the chamber. Corner bays and those
projecting outwards in the middle of each side are topped with Mughal-style
pavilions, complete with fluted columns, lobed arches, curving bangla cornices and

260

TEMPLES

smooth domes. This was evidently no aberrant scheme judging from the small
Shiva temple in the northern part of the city. This repeats the overall layout of
Raghuji’s chhatri, complete with verandah and accompanying roof-top pavilions.
The central chamber, however, is surmounted with a raised pavilion of the same
type rather than a tower. Another variation is the introduction of pierced stone
screens into the arched openings of the verandah. Returning to the chhatri com-
plex: the example commemorating Janoji, Raghuji’s successor, is a modest structure
with a central chamber surmounted by a square tower with curving sides divided
into shallow grooves. It too is surrounded by a verandah of lobed arches with corner
roof-top pavilions. However, these last features are topped with finials with domical
tops rather than domes. Temple construction continued at Nagpur throughout the
early nineteenth century, but these projects lie outside the scope of this volume.

Raghuji I was responsible for fortifying the sacred hill at Ramtek, 48 kilometres
north of Nagpur, where he repaired the Yadava-period shrines that crown the
summit, installing new images of Rama and Lakshmana. Bhonsale projects over-
look Ambala lake at the foot of Ramtek hill. Small shrines clustered on the stepped
bank reveal a full range of typologies: towers with superimposed clustered elements;
spires with sharply angled profiles; towers with curving faces divided into horizontal
grooves; flattish domes rising on petalled bases; pyramidal domes with petalled
sides; upper arcaded storeys with domes or curving vaults. These diverse superstruc-
tures are invariably topped with circular ribbed elements and pot finials, thereby
proclaiming their religious purpose. The Jain complex beneath the northern slopes
of Ramtek hill has several finely finished temples dating from the end of the
eighteenth century and the first decades of the nineteenth century. These yellow
sandstone buildings have their sanctuary walls and curving towers entirely covered
with deep grooves. These richly textured surfaces are interrupted by lobed wall
niches and curving bands with petalled motifs.

The Shindes, another prominent Maratha military family, were also active
sponsors of temple architecture. Most of their constructional activities were con-
centrated at sites in the heartland of Central India. An exception, however, is the
Khandoba temple at Bid, some 100 kilometres east of Ahmadnagar, erected by
Mahadaji Shinde before his death in 1794 (Fig. 197). The entrance to the Bid shrine,
which is dedicated to the same deity as at Jejuri, is flanked by a pair of unusual
dipamalas conceived as towers rising more than 20 metres. These hollow tapering
structures each have eight faceted buttresses decorated with plaster figures and
animals in flat relief; stone brackets are for lamps. Tiers of windows in the recesses
between the buttresses light internal staircases. The temple itself is surrounded by a
colonnade and roofed with small pavilions displaying bangla cornices.

Religious architecture in the south-western corner of the Maratha territories was
mainly undertaken by the Chhatrapatis of Kolhapur. The Mahalakshmi temple
erected by the Shilharas in the twelfth century was substantially repaired and
expanded by Sambhaji, who had the image of the goddess consecrated in 1715. The

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

197 Entrance towers of Khandoba temple, Bid, late eighteenth century

surrounding enclosure with its quartet of arched portals and the dipamalas inside
the compound are eighteenth-century additions. Further testimony to the building
activities of the Kolhapur rulers is seen in the funerary complex beside the
Panchaganga river just outside the city. Royal chhatris here overlook the water or
stand within a walled enclave entered through an arched gate on the east. Octagonal

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TEMPLES

tapering dipamalas line the path leading to the chhatri of Krishna II, finished in
about 1815, the most elaborate of the group (Fig. 198). This consists of a small shrine
fronted by a yellow sandstone portico with finely fashioned lobed arches. The
faceted walls have precisely cut basement and wall mouldings relieved by shallow
lotus flowers. The plaster-covered brick superstructure is of the clustered type with
model elements arranged in diminishing layers flanking central tapering bands.
The interior doorway to the linga sanctuary is framed by temple-like pilasters
surmounted by relief towers.

SCULPTURE

The revival of figural sculpture must rank as one of the outstanding artistic
contributions of the Maratha era. In general, the sculptures are generally Western
Indian in style, as is obvious from the smoothly rounded contours of the bodies and
the sharply delineated facial features. Such foreign influence is explained by newly
forged links between the Marathas and Gujarat and Rajasthan, regions which had
enjoyed a relatively uninterrupted tradition of Hindu and Jain religious art during
the Sultanate and Mughal periods.

Stone is the preferred medium for major votive icons in Maratha temples. These
vary from popular and much repeated Nandi and Ganesha images, some of ample
dimensions, incorporated into almost all Shiva sanctuaries, to images associated
with particular holy sites. Vithoba at Pandharpur, for instance, is fashioned in black
basalt in accordance with long-established iconographic prescriptions. The stand-
ing two-armed figure of the god is squat and somewhat crudely carved, but is
nonetheless an object of great sanctity. Portraits of historical figures intended for
devotion represent an innovative aspect of the sculptural art of the period. The
black stone image of Shivaji worshipped at Sindhudurg shows the seated chhatra-
pati, with sun and moon emblems behind. A later version of this same formula is
seen at Maheshwar where there is a seated image of Ahilyabai currently under
veneration.

Figural art in revivalist sanctuaries is mostly confined to diminutive wall niches
flanked by small pilasters and headed with angled eaves. Icons on the shrine of the
Sundarnarayana temple at Nasik, for example, show Hanuman on the south,
Narayana on the west and Indra on the north. Similarly accommodated deities
appear on the walls of the principal sanctuary in the Vithoba complex: Anan-
tashayana on the south, Krishna on Kaliya on the west, Venugopala on the north.
More unusual are the panels with courtly and mythological scenes on the Siddhesh-
vara temple at Toke. The panel on the north wall of the antechamber depicts an
enthroned ruler in the company of a kneeling man; to the left is an elephant with
courtly personages in front of a shrine. The corresponding panel on the south
illustrates the archery contest from the Mahabharata epic where the hero Arjuna
shoots an arrow to win Draupadi.

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

CANE S Toss Me
198 Chhatri of Krishna II, Kolhapur, ¢. 1815

A uniquely rich sculptural programme adorns the fagade of the Trishunda
Ganapati temple at Pune (Fig. 199). The outer doorway is flanked by fully carved
guardians leaning on clubs; the sinuous profile of the pediment above incorporates
miniature aquatic monsters and human figures. Panels beneath empty lobed niches

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TEMPLES

——_ al
199 Wall niche, Trishunda Ganapati temple, Pune, 1770

at either side show warriors, pairs of fighting elephants with armed attendants and
even a chained rhinoceros in the company of British soliders. The upper parts of the
walls are lined with crouching dwarfs and monkeys.

Exactly the same crouching figures are carved on column brackets in many
temples; additional themes adorn the blocks on column shafts. Columns in the
Vateshvara temple outside Sasvad, for instance, have blocks carved with warriors,
wrestlers, elephants, lions, horses and stylised lotuses. A large variety of divinities
and legendary episodes appears on the columns of the Ghrishneshvara temple at
Ellora. The repertory here includes scenes of hunting, with horses and men sporting
guns. A selection of Vishnu’s incarnations and the principal episodes of the Krishna
story occur at Toke. A comparable range of topics is found in the halls of the
Pandharpur complex. Courtly figures and amorous couples are combined with
icons of deities on the Nagpur temples, as in the small Vitthala shrine consecrated
to Krishna.

Sculptures on royal memorials demonstrates that figural art was well established
at the end of the eighteenth century. Vitthalrao’s chhatri at Maheshwar has shallow
friezes of animated elephants on the basement and fully sculpted maidens and
couples on the walls. Courtiers wear tilted circular hats, or pagadis, typical of

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

200 Wall sculpture, Vitthala shrine within Jagateshvara temple, Nagpur, second half of
eighteenth century

peshwa dress; soldier are clad in British or French uniform. Figures on the temples
and chhatris associated with the Bhonsales at Nagpur show amorous scenes of
Krishna with Radhika (Fig. 200).

Plaster sculptures in the lobed recesses of polgyonal brick spires have already
been noted. These figures were originally brightly painted and arranged according

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TEMPLES

to an overall programme. The Kashivishveshvara at Wai, for instance, has seated
human devotees on the lower two stages of niches, with deities confined to the
upper third stage. Though the temple is dedicated to Shiva, it includes an image of
Narasimha, an incarnation of Vishnu. Pavilions rising over the east doorway to the
mandapa contain icons of Durga and Sarasvati with Ganesha in the middle.

This mix of human and divine personalities is maintained on the spire of the
Rama shrine in Tulsi Bagh at Pune. Figures in the lowest tier wear pagadis,
suggesting that they represent peshwa nobles or officers. Celestial musicians occupy
the upper tiers, with deities on top. Similarly attired figures are seen on the tower of
the Vateshvara temple outside Sasvad. Standing guardians flank the axial niches,
while half-elephants grace the corners of the projections beneath. Patrons make an
occasional appearance. The frontal niche over the Nandi pavilion of the Vishvesh-
vara temple at Mahuli, for instance, contains two figures, possibly the donor of the
monument and his wife, worshipping a linga.

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CHAPTER 9

CONCLUSION

Having separately considered the most significant examples of Deccani courtly and
religious architecture, miniature paintings, textiles and metal objects, it is now
necessary to evaluate the overall character of these buildings and works of art. The
discussions in the preceding chapters have defined a profusion of distinctive artistic
modes that emerged between the fourteenth and eighteenth centuries. This stylistic
multiplicity may be singled out as an overriding characteristic of Deccani art. That
these divergent but concurrent idioms should coincide with the sponsorship of
different lines of rulers is hardly surprising, considering the dominant role of
sultans and their nobles, commanders and governors in the political and cultural
life of the region. Architectural and pictorial styles follow dynastic careers, under-
scoring the interdependency of art and patronage in this era.

Another, no less representative trait that runs through the descriptions of
Deccani architecture and painting is the constant relationship to North Indian and
Middle Eastern traditions. In the course of these stylistic borrowings, foreign
modes were transformed in order to create new and intrinsically Deccani idioms.
This stylistic metamorphosis seems not to have been restricted to a single moment
in Deccani history; to the contrary, it was an on-going process that responded
creatively to both invasion and influence from outside the region.

STYLISTIC MULTIPLICITY

The dominant role of the Sultanate, Mughal and Maratha courts in the sponsorship
of architecture and the arts gives credence to a view that the visual arts played a
central role in giving visual expression to the personal ambitions of powerful
figures. Each dynasty of Deccani kings, from the Bahmanis to the Asaf Jahis and
Marathas, promoted a highly individualistic idiom which they employed for their
courtly and religious buildings and, in later times, for paintings, metalwork and
textiles. This lack of stylistic unity is hardly surprising considering that the Deccan
experienced extreme political instability for most of the period under examination.
Only under the Bahmanis did the region enjoy some measure of unity, but then
there was the constant threat from Vijayanagara. As the major representatives of
Muslim culture in peninsular India in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the
Bahmani sultans developed a distinctive architecture for their military, palatial and
religious projects which affirmed cultural and religious ties with the Middle East,
while at the same time embodying local ambition. Within the context of peninsular
India, Bahmani architecture confronted Vijayanagara with a totally alien aesthetic.

268

CONCLUSION

(It is worth recalling that Vijayanagara courtly structures adopted many Bahmani
features, thereby indicating a significant interchange between these opposing cul-
tures.)

The relationship between style and dynasty must have been firmly anchored in
Deccan culture because each of the five successor states that emerged after the
collapse of the Bahmani kingdom developed its own artistic personality. The
striking multiplicity of idioms that characterises building activities in these first
decades of independence of these states is obvious in the mosques and tombs
erected in Ahmadnagar, Bidar, Bijapur and Golconda. Drawing on well-established
Bahmani traditions, religious architecture in the first half of the sixteenth century at
these new capitals evolved distinctive typologies, elevational treatments and decor-
ative programmes. The tendency towards dynastic limitations of style is less well
articulated when it comes to military architecture, probably because of the universal
demands of war and its practice. Earlier links with the Middle East varied in
intensity, with the Adil Shahi and Qutb Shahi styles affirming a Deccani identity
with greatest force, as is abundantly clear from the different emphasis that both
styles placed on architectural decoration.

The first appearance of Deccani fine arts in the course of the sixteenth century
demonstrates a similar alliance of dynasty and style. Paintings commissioned by the
Nizam Shahis, Adil Shahis and Qutb Shahis are executed in easily distinguishable
modes, thereby justifying the classification of miniatures into dynastic schools, as
has been followed here. As in architecture, the distribution of such schools accords
well with political boundaries. This concurrence of dynasty and artistic idiom was
sustained in the first half of the seventeenth century, especially at Bijapur and
Golconda-Hyderabad, capitals of the two most influential and long-lived sultan-
ates. Independent architectural modes characterise courtly and religious buildings
at these centres. Paintings, metal objects and textiles commissioned by the Adil
Shahi and Qutb Shahi sultans may be similarly distinguished in terms of style.

A quite different situation developed under the Mughals. The preference of
Aurangzeb and his nobles for North Indian modes inevitably undermined the
aesthetic independence of Deccani arts. Even so, high-quality works continued to
be produced at local workshops, even if these were mostly executed in a provincial
Mughal style. Deccani miniature paintings, inlaid bidri metalwork, jewelled
weapons and sumptuously coloured textiles dating from the end of the seventeenth
and beginning of the eighteenth century rival those produced at the same time in
Delhi or Lahore.

Meanwhile, the rise of the Marathas discovered new potentialities for provincial
Mughal art by inventing an entirely novel architectural idiom that mingled North
Indian attributes with Hindu revivalist features. Temples erected by the chhatra-
patis, the peshwas and their subordinates throughout the course of the eighteenth
century came to signify the aspirations of a rapidly expanding martial kingdom,
while at the same time affirming an essentially Deccani identity. That architectural

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

elements from Gujarat and Rajasthan were in time also incorporated into this
synthetic idiom can be seen as an aesthetic response to the conquests of western
Indian by Deccani forces.

The ascendancy of the Marathas, however, did not signal the demise of artistic
patronage at the Deccani Muslim courts. Mughal-style art, which had come to a
virtual standstill at Delhi and Lahore by about the middle of the eighteenth
century, enjoyed a new lease of life under the Asaf Jahis, successors to the
Golconda-Hyderabad state. In this last phase of Deccani art (surviving up until the
middle of the nineteenth century), architecture and the fine arts followed radically
different paths. Religious buildings and palatial complexes revived earlier schemes
in Golconda and Hyderabad, thereby visually relating the Asaf Jahis to the past
achievements of the Qutb Shahis. In contrast, Hyderabadi painting, metalwork and
textiles executed in a provincial manner were more concerned to maintain links
with the vanished glories of North India.

STYLISTIC TRANSFORMATION

Any understanding of the relationship of dynasty and style in the arts of the Deccan
also depends on unravelling the mechanisms by which external influences were
transformed into native styles. This affirmation of indigenous traditions did not
take place at any single point in the five centuries or so of Deccani history covered
here; rather, it responded to successive waves of foreign influence. The first phase to
be discerned coincides with the Bahmani period. North Indian modes of military,
palace and religious architecture introduced into the peninsula by the Tughlugs
were wholeheartedly adopted by the Bahmanis. As a result, the earliest Deccani
mosques and tombs display North Indian attributes such as sloping walls, promi-
nent battlements, flattish domes and arches with angled profiles. The same features
are also seen in the ramparts at Daulatabad and Parenda, the ruined audience hall
standing in the middle of Firuzabad, the mosque in the royal enclave at Bidar and
the tombs at Holkonda.

The process of transformation by which the first genuinely Deccani style was
created was completed towards the end of the fourteenth century, by which time
innovative tendencies were already apparent in religious architecture. The Jami
mosque in the fort at Gulbarga dispenses with the usual courtyard to create an
interior roofed entirely with domes and pyramidal vaults, a scheme rarely used in
India. The nearby mausoleum of Tajuddin Firuz duplicates the cubic chamber to
create a double-domed structure, another example of a one-off layout. The uncon-
ventional use of Tughlug-type niches in multiple planes to enliven fagades became a
distinctive hallmark of the mature Bahmani style. The emancipation of Deccani
practice from Tughluq prototypes occurred in about the middle of the fifteenth
century, by which time Bahmani culture had come under the sway of Middle
Eastern traditions.

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CONCLUSION

As has already been shown, Deccani architecture from this time onwards is only
comprehensible in terms of the contacts forged between peninsular India and the
Turco-Iranian heartland. Middle Eastern influence in the Deccan is already notice-
able in the courtly and religious monuments of the later Bahmanis and their suc-
cessors, the Baridis. The links between the fifteenth-century palace complex in Bidar
and contemporary building traditions in Iran and Central Asia have been pointed
out, especially with reference to the alignments of courtyards and ceremonial gates.
Lofty portals with pointed arched openings are outlined in stone bands in the typical
Timurid manner. Timurid practice also dominates the painted plasterwork, col-
oured mosaic tiles and carved calligraphic panels, all of superlative quality, that
adorn the tombs at nearby Ashtur. The apogee of this imported idiom is the madrasa
of Mahmud Gawan in Bidar, an architectural transplant that faithfully reproduces
the plan and elevational treatment of Persian models. Its coloured mosaic tiles
match and even surpass the most refined Middle Eastern designs of the period.

An equal fascination with Turco-Iranian styles has been observed at Ahmadnagar
in the second half of the sixteenth century. The Farah Bagh, the grandest surviving
residence of the Nizam Shahis, accords with well-established Safavid typology in its
adherence to a strictly symmetrical, irregular-octagonal plan. Imposing portals in
the middle of four sides give access to a central domed chamber of immense propor-
tions. The delicate treatment of the plaster vaulting within the side niches accords
with contemporary Iranian practice. Vaulting systems of Middle Eastern origin
have also been noticed in Adil Shahi architecture. They include intersecting arches
on rotated squares supporting domes in the Jami mosque and Gol Gumbad at
Bijapur, without doubt the greatest constructional triumphs of the era.

The appeal of Middle Eastern models for Deccani arts is particularly noticeable in
the late sixteenth century. Among the paintings produced at the Ahmadnagar court
are two compositions portraying Sultan Murtaza Nizam Shah. As has already been
observed, the miniatures exhibit the facial types, costumes and calligrahic line typi-
cal of Turco-Iranian paintings. The presence of similar Middle Eastern elements has
also been recognised in paintings produced at Bijapur under Ibrahim I], Muham-
mad and Ali II, considered here to represent the high watermark of Deccani pictorial
art. The figures of courtiers, princes and holy men, all in paradise-like garden
settings, show definite Persian elements. Turco-Iranian traits are even stronger in
contemporary Golconda paintings, especially in miniatures commissioned by Mu-
hammad Quli and Muhammad Qutb Shah. Pictorial compositions focus on royal
court scenes and pastimes characterised by dense pulsating compositions, bright
colours and stylised arabesque, all hallmarks of Timurid-Safavid painting.

A synthesis of Persian Safavid models with indigenous taste is apparent in the
finest early seventeenth-century Deccani paintings. Works by the so-called St
Petersburg painter include seated and equestrian portraits which reconcile Middle
Eastern pictorial conventions with a preference for brilliantly coloured and exuber-
ant compositions, typically Deccani in spirit. Paintings by the so-called Dublin

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ARCHITECTURE AND ART OF THE DECCAN SULTANATES

painter blend the huge flowers and trees of the Deccan style with the formal portrait-
ure of the Middle East. One of the most extraordinary transmutations of Safavid
motifs is seen in the tile mosaics of the Badshahi Ashurkhana in Hyderabad. Con-
ventional Persian designs of overflowing vases, flowering trees and calligraphic stan-
dards are here revitalised in local yellows, blues and turquoises of startling brilliance
and subtlety.

As has already been mentioned, the Turco-Iranian pictorial idiom at Bijapur and
Golconda-Hyderabad did not survive beyond the end of the seventeenth century,
owing to the pervasive influence of Mughal art. The Deccan experienced a second
wave of artistic influence from North India under the Mughals, who introduced
into the region a fully evolved but foreign tradition. Mosques and tombs erected by
Aurangzeb and his nobles towards the end of the seventeenth century and in the first
decades of the eighteenth century conform to conventional Mughal types and dec-
orative motifs. But such transplants were not always devoid of innovative tenden-
cies. The Bibi-ka Maqbara near Aurangabad has been appreciated here for its novel
traits, including the singular device of an octagonal gallery overlooking the tomb
beneath. Other smaller Mughal projects in Aurangabad, such as the tomb of Qada
Auliya, present unconventional groupings of more familiar Mughal elements, such
as bangla vaults and domes.

Portraits produced for the Mughal nobles and their successors in Aurangabad and
Hyderabad, and even at lesser centres like Kurnool and Cuddapah, still exhibit
strong local traits, though executed in a typically late Mughal manner. The harden-
ing of line and simplification of tone noted in eighteenth-century paintings at the
Mughal courts have also been detected in Deccani art. This same manner extended
even to Maratha painting, as can be seen in the luscious floral borders of wall
paintings and manuscript pages. Yet late painting did on occasions achieve a certain
aesthetic independence, as has been noted in the vivid palette used by Deccani
painters of the period, even when working within accepted pictorial conventions.
Inlaid metal objects are also related to contemporary Mughal art, but the fully
formed flowers that adorn ewers and trays have more the intense energy of the
Deccani tradition than the languid grace of the North Indian style.

As has been pointed out, Mughal architecture in the Deccan had a greater impact
on temples than on mosques and tombs. The fulfilment of Hindu ritual require-
ments seems not to have prevented Maratha architects from freely borrowing
Mughal-style cusped arches which find startlingly novel applications in wall niches
and spires. This quest for new forms is perhaps nowhere better seen than in the
magnificent Hindu monument erected by the queen Ahilyabai at the ancient site of
Ellora. While harking back to the grandiose projects of the pre-Islamic era, this
temple presents an inventive synthesis of disparate architectural elements that per-
fectly matches the scope of Maratha culture at the time of its greatest political and
military extent.

272

APPENDIX: DYNASTIC LISTS OF DECCAN
RULERS

Khaljis of Delhi
Jalaluddin Firuz Shah, 1290-6
Alauddin Muhammad Shah, 1296-1316
Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah, 1316-21

Tughlugs of Delhi and Daulatabad
Ghiyathuddin Shah, 1321-5
Muhammad Shah, 1325-51

Bahmanis of Gulbarga and Bidar
Alauddin Hasan Bahman Shah, 1347-58
Muhammad I, 1358-75
Mujahid, 1375-8
Dawud I, 1378
Muhammad II, 1378-97
Dawad II, 1397
Tajuddin Firuz, 1397-1422
Ahmad I, 1422-36
Alauddin Ahmad I], 1436-58
Humayun, 1458-61
Ahmad III, 1461-3
Muhammad III, 1463-82
Mahmud, 1482-1518
Ahmad IV, 1518-20
Wallyullah, 1520-6
Kalamullah, 1526-38

Faruqis of Thalner and Burhanpur
Malik Raja, 1382-99
Nasir Khan, 1399-1437
Miran Adil Khan I, 1437-41
Miran Mubarak Shah I, 1441-57
Adil Khan II, 1457-1501

273

APPENDIX: DYNASTIC LISTS OF DECCAN RULERS

Dawud Khan, 1501-8

Adil Khan III, 1508-20

Miran Muhammad Shah I, 1520-37
Miran Mubarak Shah II, 1537-66
Miran Muhammad Shah II, 1566-76
Adil Khan IV, 1576-97

Bahadur Shah, 1597-1601

Adil Shahis of Bijapur
Yusuf Adil Khan, 1490-1510
Ismail Adil Khan, 1510-34
Mallu Adil Khan, 1534-5
Ibrahim I, 1535-58
Ali I, 1558-80
Ibrahim II, ts80—1627
Muhammad, 1627-56
Ali II, 1656-72
Sikander, 1672-86

Nizam Shahis of Ahmadnagar
Ahmad Bahri, 1496-1510
Burhan I, 1510-53
Husain I, 1553-65
Murtaza I, 1565-88
Husain II, 1588-9
Ismail, 1589-91
Burhan II, 1591-5
Bahadur, 1595-1600
Murtaza IT, 1600-10
Burhan III, 1610-31
Husain III, 1631-3
Murtaza III, 1633-6

Baridis of Bidar
Qasim I, -1504
Amir I, 1504-43
Ali Shah, 1543-80
Ibrahim, 1580-7
Qasim II, 1587-91
Amir II, 1591-1600
Mirza, 1600-9
Amir III, 1609-19

274

APPENDIX: DYNASTIC LISTS OF DECCAN RULERS

Imad Shahis of Achalpur
Fathullah, —1510
Alauddin, 1510-30
Darya, 1530-61
Burhan, 1562-74

Qutb Shahis of Golconda and Hyderabad
Sultan Quli Qutb al-Mulk, 1512-43
Jamshid, 1543-50
Ibrahim, 1550-80
Muhammad Quli, 1580-1611
Muhammad, 1611-26
Abdullah, 1626-72
Abul Hasan, 1672-87

Mughals of Delhi and Aurangabad
Akbar, 1556-1605
Jahangir, 1605-27
Shah Jahan, 1628-58
Aurangzeb, 1658-1707
Shah Alam Bahadur Shah, 1707-13
Farrukh Siyar, 1713-19
Muhammad Shah, 1719-48

Pathan Nawabs of Kurnool
Khizr Khan, -1674
Dawud Khan, 1674-1712
Ali Khan, 1712-18
Ibrahim Khan, 1718-31
Alif Khan I, 1731-44
Himayat Khan, 1744-51
Munawwar Khan I, 1751-92
Alif Khan II, 1792-1815
Munawwar Khan II, 1815-23
Ghulam Rasul Khan, 1823-39

Chhatrapatis of Raigad and Satara
Shivaji, 1674-80
Sambhaji, 1680-9
Rajaram, 1689-1700
Tarabai, 1700-8
Shahu, 1708-49

275

APPENDIX: DYNASTIC LISTS OF DECCAN RULERS

Ram Raja, 1749-77
Shahu I, 1777—

Bhonsales of Nagpur
Parasoji, —1709
Kanhoji, 1709-30
Raghuji I, 1730-55
Janoji, 1755-72
Madhoji, 1772-5
Raghuji II, 1775-1816

Chhatrapatis of Kolhapur
Sambhaji, 1714-60
Shivaji II, 1762-1812

Peshwas of Satara and Pune
Balaji Vishvanath, 1714-20
Bajirao I, 1720-40
Balaji Bajirao, 1740-61
Madhavrao I, 1761-72
Narayanrao, 1772-4
Madhavrao II, 1774-96
Bajirao II, 1796-1818

Asaf Jahis of Aurangabad and Hyderabad

Nawab Mir Qamar uddin, Nizam al-Mulk, Asaf Jah I, 1724-48
Nawab Mir Ahmad Khan, Nasir Jang, 1748-50

Nawab Muzaffar Jang, 1750-1

Nawab Salabat Jang, 1751-62

Nawab Mir Nizam Ali Khan, Asaf Jah II, 1762-1803
Nawab Sikandar Jah, Asaf Jah III, 1803-29

Nawab Ali Khan, Nasir ud daula, Asaf Jah IV, 1829-57
Nawab Ali Khan, Afzal ud daula, Asaf Jah V, 1857-69
Nawab Mir Mahbub Ali Khan, Asaf Jah VI, 1869-1911
Nawab Mir Osman Ali Khan, Asaf Jah VII, 1911-50

Holkars of Indore and Maheshwar
Malharao, 1725-66
Ahilyabai, 1766-95
Tukoji, 1766-97
Yeshwantrao, 1797-1811

276

APPENDIX: DYNASTIC LISTS OF DECCAN RULERS

Angres of Kolaba
Kanhoji, -1729
Sekhoji, 1729-33
Sambhaji, 1733-42

277

BIBLIOGRAPHIC ESSAY

HISTORICAL FRAMEWORK

The history of the Deccan in the centuries covered in this volume is well served by a number of
comprehensive studies, but many dealing with political and military history are now of some age.
Essential bibliographies are provided by Khalili (1985, 1987). Persian and Arabic epigraphic
sources are summarised in Desai (1989, n.d.) and various volumes of Epigraphia Indica, Arabic
and Persian Supplement and Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica.

The Sultanate period is surveyed by Haig (1907, 1928), Briggs (1909-10), Venkataramana
(1942) and Sherwani and Joshi (1973), the last with excellent historical chapters by various
authors concentrating on the different Sultanate kingdoms. Social, religious and cultural aspects
of the Sultanate courts are considered by Ahmad (1953), Nizami (1974), Alavi (1977), Eaton
(1978, 1998), Ernst (1992, 1993), Bredi (1993), Naqvi (1993) and Wink (1993).

Several specialised studies focus on individual Sultanates. For the Bahmanis see King (1900),
Sherwani (1953), Sinha (1964), Husaini (1966) and Siddiqi (1989). Biographies of influential
Bahmani figures such as Tajuddin Firuz and Mahmud Gawan are given in Sherwani (1942,
1943-4). An account of the Nizam Shahis is provided by Haig (1920-3) and Shyam (1966). Malik
Ambar, effective ruler of Ahmadnagar at the turn of the seventeenth century, is the subject of
Seth (1957), Shyam (1968) and Tamaskar (1978). For the Adil Shahis see Nayeem (1974) and
Verma (1974, 1990). Ibrahim Adil Shah’s career is outlined by Joshi (1948), but see Ghani (1930)
and Ahmad (1956) for additional sources. Rocco (1920), Minorsky (1955), Siddiqi (1956) and
Sherwani (1974) offer historical materials relevant to the Qutb Shahis, while Sherwani (1957,
1967) takes a detailed look at the career of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, founder of the dynasty.
The Faruqis of Khandesh, on the northern fringe of the region, are surveyed by Haig (1918) and
Shyam (1981).

There is a relatively large literature on the Mughal period, but only a few studies focus on the
Deccan. See Bilgrami and Willmott (1884), Haig (1937), Sarkar (1963), Richards (1975, 1995, chs.
10-11) and Nayeem (1985, 1987) for detailed works on the Mughals in the Deccan and the rise of
the Asaf Jahis.

The Marathas form the topic of numerous enquiries, the most comprehensive being Duff
(1912), Sen (1928), Kincaird and Parasnes (1931), Sardesai (1946-9), Rawlinson (1963), Gokhale
(1988) and Gordon (1993, 1994). Maheshvari and Higgins (1989) offer useful historical summa-
ries of all the important Maratha centres. For the background of the Sidis, Abyssinian admirals of
the Marathas, see Banaji (1932).

ARCHITECTURE

No comprehensive study of Deccani architecture exists for the centuries examined here. The
Sultanate period, for instance, is generally condensed into chapters of larger works, as in Brown
(1942, chs. x11 and xtv), Sherwani and Joshi (1974, ch. 4), Soundara Rajan (1983, ch. 6) and Harle
(1986, ch. 32). Mate (1961-2) attempts an overview of Sultanate buildings, but is mainly
concerned with the development of particular architectural features. Merklinger (1981) deals only
with monuments in Karnataka, though her treatment of this region is the most extensive yet

278

BIBLIOGRAPHIC ESSAY

published. Michell (1996) provides an illustrated overview. Chapters by Desai (1974a, 1974b)
give a more satisfactory overview of Sultanate architecture. Technical and structural aspects are
reviewed by Fischer (1974).

Various Sultanate fortresses are covered in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Department
of H. E. H. The Nizam’s Dominions (Hyderabad), as well as in Goetz (1949) and chapters of Toy
(1957, 1965), Joshi (1985), Fass (1986) and Ramachandra Murthy (1996). Few of these studies are
accompanied by reliable site plans. Deccani palaces are described in Reuther (1925), still
impressive for its clear photographs and accurate drawings. A few of these monuments are
covered in Michell (1994). For the Tughlug origins of the Deccan style see Welch and Crane
(1983), also Rani (1991) and Shokoohy and Shokoohy (1994).

Monographic volumes and specialised articles cover the major Sultanate cities. Burton-Page
(1986), Mate (1989) and Mate and Pathy (1992) deal with Daulatabad, but a reliable site map and
descriptions of individual monuments are still lacking. The situation is little better for Gulbarga,
in spite of articles by Yazdani (1928) and Merklinger (1975, 1986). The lesser known palace city of
Firuzabad is the subject of an article by Fischer (1955) and a volume with plans by Michell and
Eaton (1992). The architecture of Bidar benefits from a magnificently illustrated monograph by
Yazdani (1947), the finest for any Deccani site. There is also an article by Merklinger (1976) and a
chapter by Michell in his edited volume (1986). For Anmadnagar, see Reuther (1925) and Gadre
(1986), the latter with unique but poorly executed maps. The remote site of Sagar has recently
been surveyed by Aruni (1996-7).

Bijapur is probably the best-studied Sultanate city, judging from monographs and articles by
Meadows Taylor and Fergusson (1866), Reuther (1925), Merklinger (1978) and Burton-Page
(1986). A complete account of Bijapur’s monuments, accompanied by handsome drawings and
photographs, is provided by Cousens (1916, reprinted 1976). The water structures of Bijapur are
documented by Rétzer (1984). Religious and courtly monuments of the twin cities of Golconda
and Hyderabad have often been described: Bilgrami (1927), Reuther (1925), Sherwani (1958,
1976), Krishna Sastry (1983, 1983-4), Pieper (1984), Michell in his edited volume (1986), Naqvi
(1987), Petruccioli (1991), Safrani (1992) and Shorey (1993). Hussain (1996) has covered the royal
gardens at Golconda, but the palace complex at this site remains largely undocumented and
unmapped. Notices of monuments at lesser known sites, such as Raichur and Burhanpur, are
found in Merklinger (1977) and Koch (1991b). The mosque at Ponda in Goa is reported by Hutt
(1981) and Shokoohy (1997).

Architectural decoration in Sultanate buildings is touched on in many of the above works, but
there is no specialised study. Tilework is particularly neglected, probably because the record is so
fragmentary. Examples on Bahmani and Baridi monuments in Bidar are partially reproduced in
Yazdani (1947). Further discussion is found in Crowe (1986a, 1986b), Curatola (1991) and Hasan
(1995). Mosaic tilework on the interior of the Badshahi Ashurkhana in Hyderabad, probably the
finest in India, is reported in Bilgrami (1927) and Crowe (1986a), but is extensively reproduced
here in colour for the first time. This tilework remains virtually unknown to historians of Indian
and Islamic art. Bijapur tiles are discussed by Porter (1995), who provides a valuable technical
discussion. Related tiles from Goa are shown in Via Orientalis (1991).

Even fewer data are available for the carved stone decoration of Sultanate buildings. Goetz
(1963) provides a useful though brief survey of sculpted decoration, mostly on fort walls and
gates. Begley (1985) concentrates on monumental stone calligraphy, with many significant
Deccani examples. See Bilgrami (1927) for illustrations and translations of the inscriptions in the
Hyderabad area. The only article on plaster decoration, Shokoohy (1994), is restricted to the
Bahmani monuments.

Mughal architecture in the Deccan awaits a specialised enquiry. Recent histories of Mughal
architecture by Koch (1991a) and Asher (1992), otherwise commendable, treat Deccani monu-

279

BIBLIOGRAPHIC ESSAY

ments only in passing. Desai’s chapter (1974) is the only attempt to provide an overview of the
Mughal contribution to Deccani architecture. This may be supplemented by Sreenivasachar
(n.d.), who describes Mughal buildings in Aurangabad.

Maratha architecture is totally ignored in all general surveys, including those given above.
Mate (1959) attempts a review of Maratha military and religious buildings, but his approach is
hampered by a lack of reliable drawings. Maratha forts are covered in competent studies by
Deshpande (1982) and Desai (1987), both with useful maps. Mate (1982) and Jamkhedkar (1982)
examine Maratha temples in and around Pune and Nagpur, respectively. Kanhere (1989) and
Sohoni (1998) present information on Maratha temples at other sites in Maharashtra, the latter
with accurate plans and details. Religious constructions associated with Ahilyabai, the celebrated
Holkar queen, are considered briefly in Burgess (1878) and Bhatt (1979). Kanhere (1982a, 1982b),
Khare (1982) and Morwanchikar (1982) draw attention to domestic architecture of the Marathas.
Murals are covered in Garg (1987) and Deshmukh (1992).

MINIATURE PAINTING AND THE FINE ARTS

Until the 1930s, the Deccani school of painting was hardly known, its great masterpieces usually
described as Persian, Indo-Persian or Mughal. Mehta (1926) was the first scholar to attribute a
major work, the magnificent study of a bull elephant, probably Atash Khan, to a Deccani artist.

Discoveries multiply during the next decades. Kramrisch (1937) traces the development of
Deccani art forms from ancient times to the nineteenth century, publishing for the first time the
Tarif-i Husayn Shahi from Ahmadnagar. Goetz (1935, 1936, 1944, 1950, 1952-3), Gray (1937,
1938), Chandra (1951), Khandalavala (1955-6) and Skelton (1957, 1958) present important new
materials, thereby giving definition to what is a new subject. Barrett (1958), in a short but brilliant
monograph, makes the interesting contrast between the worldly concerns of the Mughal empire
and the dreamy escapist tenor of the Deccani courts, as reflected in the arts of these two great
Indo-Islamic cultures. This is followed by two additional short studies (Barrett 1960, 1969).
Contributions by various scholars to the 1963 issue of Marg magazine devoted to Deccani
painting show the high quality and extraordinary diversity of the different schools. Additional
discussions accompanied by illustrations of many newly attributed Deccani paintings are found
in Ivanov, Grek and Akimushkin (1962), Barrett and Gray (1963, pp. 115-29), Mittal (1966, 1968,
1971), Skelton (1971), Binney (1973) and Zebrowski (1981a).

Zebrowski (1983), who provides the first comprehensive study on the subject, more than
doubles the known corpus of Deccani paintings, bringing to light much new historical informa-
tion as well. Seyller (1995) charts the career of the Mughal artist Farrukh Beg, who may be
identical with the Bijapur artist Farrukh Husain mentioned by the Persian poet Zuhuri. Welch
(1985, 1997) presents a fascinating personal account of a possible connection between the
Golconda school and Rajput painting at Kotah.

Recent monographs, catalogues and articles containing additional materials useful for a study
of Deccani painting include Zebrowski (1986a), Stronge (1990), Via Orientalis (1991), Safrani
(1992), Leach (1995) and Losty (1995). For related examples of painted lacquerwork see
Zebrowski (1982b).

The study of miniature painting under the Marathas is still in its infancy, but see Banerji
(1956) and Doshi (1972). Select illustrated manuscripts are discussed in Ranade (1983).

Pioneer research on Deccani resist-dyed cottons is provided by Irwin (1959) and Irwin and
Brett (1970). But it is Gittinger (1982) who provides the most complete compendium of
materials to date, the source of much of the discussion offered here. Smart (1987) groups together
an important number of such cottons which bear seventeenth-century dates and seals from the
royal Amber Collection in Rajasthan. Crill (1988) deals with pieces in the Victoria and Albert

280

BIBLIOGRAPHIC ESSAY

Museum, London. Cohen (1986) not only discusses resist-dyed cottons, but assigns a number of
embroideries, pile carpets and flat-woven floor coverings to the Deccan.

Deccani bronze vessels decorated with Arabic script, among the greatest masterpieces of
Islamic metalwork, have long been assigned to either Iran or North India (Melikian-Chirvani
1982). The most comprehensive survey of the subject, with fresh attributions, is now in
Zebrowski (1997a). For bidriware, a type of inlaid metalwork unique to the Deccan, see
Choudhury (1961), Stronge (1985, 1986) and Zebrowski (1981b, 1982a, 1986b, 1995, 19974, 1997).
Excellent bronze, gilt copper and bidri vessels are illustrated in Welch (1985).

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1 Sultan Ibrahim Adil Shah I hawking, Bijapur, c. 1590

2 Sultan Murtaza Nizam Shah enthroned, attributed to the Paris painter,
Ahmadnagar, c. 1575

3 Young Prince Riding, attributed to the Paris painter, Ahmadnagar, c. 1575

4 Siesta, attributed to the Dublin painter, Bijapur, early seventeenth century

5 Ascetic visited by a yogini, attributed to the Dublin painter, Bijapur,
early seventeenth century

attributed to the Bodleian painter, Bijapur, c. 1610-20

6 Stout courtier, detail,

7 Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah, attributed to the Bodleian painter
working with a Mughal painter, Bijapur, c. 1635

8 Prince sniffing a rose, Deccan, early eighteenth century

9 Prince galloping across a rocky plain, Deccan, c. 1700

10 Maiden with parrot, detail of a fragment of a painted cloth, Golconda, first half of
seventeenth century

u Painted cloth, single-niche hanging (qanat), Deccan,
mid-seventeenth century

12 Vase with arabesque, painted plasterwork, Asar Mahal, Bijapur,
seventeenth century

13 Arabesque design, tile mosaic panel, Rangin Mahal, Bidar,
mid-sixteenth century

14 Calligraphic alam, detail of tile mosaic panel, Badshahi Ashurkhana,
Hyderabad, 1611

1s Vase of plenty, detail of tile mosaic panel, Badshahi Ashurkhana

16 Calligraphic medallion on chain, painted gesso on stone, mihrab, Jami mosque,
Bijapur, 1636

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